Video and audio evidence from the attack on Nancy Pelosi’s husband was released Friday, showing for the first time the sequence of events that ended with 82 year-old
Paul Pelosi
being knocked unconscious with a hammer as police officers tackled his assailant.
Some of the evidence was previously shown in court proceedings in the case against David DePape, who is being held without bond on charges of attempted murder, assault with a deadly weapon and elder abuse in the Oct. 28 attack on Mr. Pelosi. Mr. DePape has pleaded not guilty.
The evidence released Friday, which includes police body-camera footage, is the first opportunity for the public to see and hear in detail the events leading up to and including a predawn assault, which focused attention on violence aimed at politicians in the U.S.
Its release came after a coalition of news organizations filed a motion earlier this month requesting to see the evidence, which prosecutors had previously withheld. Judge Stephen Murphy of San Francisco Superior Court granted the motion Wednesday.
Adam Lipson, a San Francisco deputy public defender representing Mr. DePape, said it was, “a terrible mistake to release this evidence, and in particular the video. Releasing this footage is disrespectful to Mr. Pelosi, and serves no purpose except to feed the public desire for spectacle and violence.”
He also said the release would make it hard for his client to get a fair trial.
Mrs. Pelosi, who was speaker of the House of Representatives until earlier this month, said Friday that she had no intention of watching the newly released evidence and thanked people for their prayers.
The video begins with footage from a Capitol Police camera trained on the Pelosi home in San Francisco’s Pacific Heights neighborhood; it shows Mr. DePape—wearing shorts and a jacket—walking up to a rear entrance at 3:04 a.m., taking out a claw hammer from a bag and putting on gloves.
After looking around several times, he initially pushed the head of the hammer against the glass in a set of french doors. When it wouldn’t open, he swung with full force 16 times until the glass shattered and then pushed his way through, shoulder first.
The next evidence released is audio of Mr. Pelosi’s call to 911 a few minutes later, in which he tried to convey to a dispatcher that he needed help.
Mr. Pelosi told Mr. DePape he had to use the bathroom and called 911 from a phone charging there, a person with knowledge of the incident previously said.
“I guess I called by mistake,” Mr. Pelosi said at first to the operator. After she asked if he needed help, he told her, “There’s a gentleman here just waiting for my wife to come back,
Nancy Pelosi.
She’s not going to be here for days, so I guess we’ll have to wait.”
When asked by the 911 operator if he knew the man, Mr. Pelosi said he didn’t. Mr. DePape can then be heard saying, “My name is David. I’m a friend of theirs.”
Mr. Pelosi then hung up after saying, “He wants me to get the hell off the phone.”
Body camera footage of two San Francisco police officers dispatched to the home subsequently show them knocking on the front door. Mr. Pelosi opened the door, looking disheveled and not wearing pants, with his hand on a hammer that Mr. DePape is holding. After an officer asks, “What’s going on, man?”, Mr. DePape answered “Everything’s good.”
An officer then ordered him to “drop the hammer,” after which the suspect answered “Um, nope” and began struggling with the smaller Mr. Pelosi for control. He quickly pinned the older man’s right arm to free the hammer and then raised it over his head to strike Mr. Pelosi.
A door obscures Mr. Pelosi at this point, but the footage then shows the officers tackling Mr. DePape and handcuffing him as he lies on the floor, partially atop Mr. Pelosi, who appears to be unconscious.
Mr. Pelosi was treated at a local trauma center and later released home, where his wife said he faced a long recovery. Mrs. Pelosi said Friday that her husband is making progress on his recovery, but it will take more time.
That’s the takeaway from a major study published this month in JAMA Internal Medicine. Scientists led by a team from the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health found that people who most closely adhered to at least one of four healthy eating patterns were less likely to die from cardiovascular disease, cancer or respiratory disease compared with people who did not adhere as closely to these diets. They were also less likely to die of any cause.
“These findings support the recommendations of Dietary Guidelines for Americans that multiple healthy eating patterns can be adapted to individual food traditions and preferences,” the researchers concluded, adding that the results were consistent across different racial and ethnic groups. The eating habits and mortality rates of more than 75,000 women from 1984 to 2020 over 44,000 men from 1986 to 2020 were included in the study.
The four diets studied were the Healthy Eating Index, the Alternate Mediterranean Diet, the Healthful Plant-Based Diet Index and the Alternate Healthy Eating Index. All four share some components, including whole grains, fruits, vegetables, nuts and legumes. But there are also differences: For instance, the Alternate Mediterranean Diet encourages fish consumption, and the Healthful Plant-Based Diet Index discourages eating meat.
The Alternate Mediterranean Diet is adapted from the original Mediterranean Diet, which includes olive oil (which is rich in omega-3 fatty acids), fruits, nuts, cereals, vegetables, legumes and fish. It allows for moderate consumption of alcohol and dairy products but low consumption of sweets and only the occasional serving of red meat. The alternate version, meanwhile, cuts out dairy entirely, only includes whole grains and uses the same alcohol-intake guideline for men and women, JAMA says.
The world’s ‘best diets’ overlap with study results
The Mediterranean Diet consistently ranks No. 1 in the U.S. News and World Report’s Best Diets ranking, which looks at seven criteria: short-term weight loss, long-term weight loss, effectiveness in preventing cardiovascular disease, effectiveness in preventing diabetes, ease of compliance, nutritional completeness and health risks. The 2023 list ranks the top three diets as the Mediterranean Diet, the DASH Diet and the Flexitarian Diet.
The DASH (Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension) Diet recommends fruits, vegetables, nuts, whole grains, poultry, fish and low-fat dairy products and restricts salt, red meat, sweets and sugar-sweetened beverages. The Flexitarian Diet is similar to the other diets in that it’s mainly vegetarian, but it allows the occasional serving of meat or fish. All three diets are associated with improved metabolic health, lower blood pressure and reduced risk of Type 2 diabetes.
Frank Hu, a professor of nutrition and epidemiology at the Harvard School of Public Health and co-author of the latest study, said it’s critical to examine the associations between the U.S. government’s Dietary Guidelines for Americans and long-term health. “Our findings will be valuable for the 2025-2030 Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee, which is being formed to evaluate current evidence surrounding different eating patterns and health outcomes,” he said.
Reducing salt intake is a good place to start. In 2021, the Food and Drug Administration issued new guidance for restaurants and food manufacturers to, over a two-and-a-half-year period, voluntarily reduce the amount of sodium in their food to help consumers stay under a limit of 3,000 milligrams per day — still higher than the recommended daily allowance. Americans consume around 3,400 milligrams of sodium per day, on average, but the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that people consume less than 2,300 milligrams each day.
Related: Eating 400 calories a day from these foods could raise your dementia risk by over 20%
Parents and doctors are looking for new strategies to help adolescents with obesity. One controversial approach drawing the interest of some families is intermittent fasting, which limits people to eating for just a part of the day or week.
Intermittent fasting has gained traction among adults who use it to try to manage weight and improve health. Doctors have largely avoided trying it with adolescents out of concern that introducing a fasting period to their schedules might result in nutritional gaps or trigger eating disorders when teens are rapidly growing and developing.
Now, a small number of doctors and researchers are evaluating types of intermittent fasting in adolescents, searching for solutions as rates of obesity and Type 2 diabetes rise. One pediatric endocrinologist in Los Angeles is launching a clinical trial looking at eating within a set time window in adolescents with obesity. Researchers in Australia are completing a separate trial, the results of which they expect to publish later this year.
Roughly one-fifth of children in the U.S. are considered obese, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Pediatricians are so concerned that the American Academy of Pediatrics for the first timethis month recommended physicians offer weight-loss drugs for children with obesity.
Any approach that limits when and how an adolescent eats must be handled cautiously, doctors say.
Families and doctors need to be very careful with any form of intermittent fasting in youth as it can be a slippery slope with a potential risk of eating disorders, says
Jason Nagata,
a pediatrician and eating-disorder specialist at the University of California, San Francisco. Doctors have also raised questions about the potential long-term effects of intermittent fasting on developing bodies.
Courtney Peterson,
an associate professor of nutrition sciences at the University of Alabama at Birmingham who studies intermittent fasting in adults, says she would be worried about adolescents’ getting enough nutrients. “I think it’s worth testing but testing with caution,” she says.
Her research has found that adults with obesity who ate between 7 a.m. and 3 p.m. lost on average an extra 5 pounds more than a control group eating over 12 hours or more, and adults with prediabetes who ate over a six-hour period starting early in the day showed improvements in blood-sugar levels.
Intermittent fasting is an umbrella term for eating strategies that involve fasting. One such strategy, time-restricted eating, or TRE, limits eating to a set number of hours a day—often eight—with no limitations on what or how much you eat. In the remaining hours, you refrain from eating or drinking except for water.
Alaina Vidmar,
a pediatric endocrinologist and obesity-medicine specialist at Children’s Hospital Los Angeles, is starting a clinical trial to evaluate whether an eight-hour window of eating, from 11 a.m. to 7 p.m., results in changes in insulin and glucose response for teens with obesity.
The researchers are also looking at weight loss and body-fat mass, as well as blood pressure and cholesterol.
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The research stems from conversations Dr. Vidmar had with families of patients with obesity in recent years. Some had asked her about time-restricted eating, or had tried it and said they liked it. She tested the concept in teenagers with obesity to see if setting an eight-hour window of eating was feasible in a pilot study published in the journal Nutrients in 2021.
“They enjoyed doing it, they felt like their whole family could do it, and over time they were losing weight,” Dr. Vidmar says of the teens.
Now, her lab is enrolling 100 youth between 12 and 21 years old with Type 2 diabetes and obesity in a 12-week trial. Participants are screened and monitored for any negative eating behaviors, she says. So far, she hasn’t found that time-limited eating “impacts eating behaviors or worsens disordered eating in any way,” she says.
In Australia, researchers are studying how teens with obesity respond to a different form of fasting called intermittent energy restriction.
In this approach, for three days a week you eat roughly one-quarter of the calories you normally do, says
Natalie Lister,
a researcher and dietitian at the University of Sydney. On the other four days, you have no calorie limits.
Dr. Lister says she and colleagues started looking into intermittent fasting in adolescents with obesity a few years ago when patients started asking about it. They conducted a pilot trial with 30 adolescents, published in 2019. Now, the researchers are completing a trial whose results they expect to publish later this year.
The health team monitors for eating disorders and depression, and the study doesn’t enroll anyone with a high risk of disordered eating, says Dr. Lister. Dietitians provide guidelines to help ensure participants are meeting nutritional requirements.
In adults with obesity, the data on TRE is mixed when it comes to weight loss, but two systematic reviews of the existing research both found a modest weight-loss benefit overall, says Dr. Peterson. Studies have also found that adults experience improvements in measures such as insulin resistance, reducing blood-glucose levels, particularly when their eating window starts early in the day.
Matthew Muros, a 15-year-old in Carson, Calif., struggles with his weight and prediabetes. Matthew participated in Dr. Vidmar’s pilot studies last year. The first two weeks were challenging, he notes.
“I did feel really hungry. I just kept on drinking water,” he says.
He says it got easier, and when the study was over he decided to stick with the schedule. He has lost about 30 pounds, and his blood-glucose levels have improved.
He has also changed his diet, having less soda, fast food and carbohydrates. “I’m trying to eat a little bit more healthy,” he says.
has been the leader of the Catholic Church for almost 10 years, but he has been the only pope in the Vatican just since Saturday.
The death of Pope Benedict XVI after a decade in retirement has ended an extraordinary arrangement that helped define the current pontificate. While Pope Francis has already taken a markedly different tack than his predecessor, he may feel even freer to do so now.
Benedict’s presence in smiling and mostly silent obedience to his successor was a reassuring sign to many conservatives of continuity in church leadership, and hence of support for Pope Francis. But that made Benedict’s occasional public statements all the more influential, especially when they indicated divergence with the current pope’s approach on matters including clerical sexual abuse and interfaith dialogue. Pope Francis, who stressed his esteem for his predecessor, had an interest in avoiding explicit disagreement.
Pope Benedict XVI, left, consistently refrained from criticizing his successor, Pope Francis, in public.
Photo:
L’Osservatore Romano/Associated Press
According to Cardinal Joseph Zen, a former bishop of Hong Kong who has been critical of the current pope’s rapprochement with China, Benedict was a restraining influence on Pope Francis on more than one occasion. In particular, he cites the decision by Pope Francis in 2020 not to make it easier to ordain married men as priests, after Benedict defended the tradition of clerical celibacy in his contribution to a book on the subject.
“Someone said that Pope Benedict, after his resignation, should have kept quiet and not created confusion in the Church. It seems to me quite the opposite: precisely because there is confusion in the Church, a Pope Emeritus, like every bishop and cardinal as long as he has breath and is of sound mind, must fulfill his duty as Successor of the Apostles to defend the sound tradition of the Church,” Cardinal Zen wrote on his personal website on Tuesday. “In crucial moments, even Pope Francis accepted this contribution of his predecessor, as when he defended the priestly celibacy of the Roman Church.”
Pope Francis is now also freer to establish a protocol for retired popes, to make it clearer that there is only one pontiff at a time, according to the Rev. Thomas Reese, author of the book “Inside the Vatican.” Critics on both left and right have said clearer rules are necessary to avoid confusion about the church’s leadership.
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“He could not do it while Benedict was alive, because it would have been seen as a criticism of Benedict and would have been seen as demeaning if the retired pope had been told to stop wearing white, not call himself pope and return to his baptismal name,” Father Reese said.
Benedict consistently refrained from criticizing his successor in public, which may have exerted a restraining influence on some of his conservative followers, an influence now lifted with his death.
Already, one of the late pope’s closest confidants has confirmed that Benedict privately disapproved of Pope Francis’ 2021 decision to impose restrictions on the use of the traditional Latin Mass, which largely undid Benedict’s lifting of restrictions in 2007.
“It hit him pretty hard. Pope Benedict read [Francis’ decree] with pain in his heart, because his intention had been to help those who simply found a home in the old Mass to find inner peace,” Archbishop Georg Gänswein, Benedict’s private secretary, told a website affiliated with the German Catholic newspaper Die Tagespost in an interview released Saturday, the day of the retired pope’s death, though recorded months earlier.
Although Benedict is gone, he could still pose a challenge to Pope Francis and his allies in the realm of ideas. Benedict’s death and the commemorations around it could be the occasion for renewed public interest in his teaching, some of which is notably at variance with that of Pope Francis, said Sandro Magister, who writes about the Vatican for Italy’s L’Espresso magazine.
People gathered in Vatican City to mourn the death of retired Pope Benedict XVI. The late pontiff’s body will lie in state in St. Peter’s Basilica until Thursday, when Pope Francis will preside over his funeral. Photo: Vatican Media/Shutterstock
“Francis can’t free himself from the legacy of his predecessor, even if now his predecessor is no longer alive, because this legacy remains alive, insofar as his heirs know how to interpret and apply it,” Mr. Magister said.
Benedict argued for combating what he called a contemporary “dictatorship of relativism.” His emphasis on moral absolutes and defined truths contrasts sharply with much of Pope Francis’ agenda, including his greater leniency on homosexuality, contraception and divorce, Mr. Magister says.
Benedict’s ideas are highly influential among Catholic conservatives in the U.S. and in particular among younger clergy there.
Cardinal Robert McElroy of San Diego, a leading progressive ally of Pope Francis among U.S. bishops, said recently that a concern with relativism, reflecting the influence of Benedict’s thought, helps explain why a 2021 survey found that half of younger American priests disapproved of Pope Francis, who is more willing than Benedict to allow for gray areas on contentious questions.
Write to Francis X. Rocca at francis.rocca@wsj.com
an outspoken and influential fund manager who was chief investment officer of Guggenheim Partners, died Wednesday of a heart attack.
Mr. Minerd, 63 years old and a committed weightlifter known to bench press more than 400 pounds, died during his daily workout, the firm said.
Mr. Minerd joined Guggenheim shortly after the firm was founded in 1998.
Guggenheim Chief Executive
Mark Walter
credited him with designing the organization, systems and procedures that helped Guggenheim rise from a startup to a manager of more than $218 billion in total assets and 900 employees.
Mr. Minerd served as the public face of Guggenheim. In that role, he was among Wall Street’s more prominent personalities, making frequent appearances on television and maintaining an active presence on social media to discuss markets and investments, often in blunt terms.
“That sound you hear is the Fed breaking something,” he wrote in October in a message to clients, warning that the central bank’s campaign to raise interest rates was causing dislocations in fixed-income and foreign-exchange markets.
Mr. Minerd was a member of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Investor Advisory Committee on Financial Markets and an adviser to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Mr. Minerd is survived by his husband Eloy Mendez.
“As an asset manager, I’ve come to view conventional wisdom as the surest path to investment underperformance,” Mr. Minerd wrote in a biographical summary.
Mr. Minerd grew up in western Pennsylvania and studied economics at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. He also took courses at the University of Chicago and described himself as a monetarist.
He worked as a dealer in currencies, bonds and structured securities at Merrill Lynch,
Morgan Stanley
and CS First Boston in the 1980s and 1990s.
At age 37, feeling burned out, he left Wall Street and moved to Los Angeles. “I walked away from extremely large offers on Wall Street,” he told Bloomberg in 2017. “I realized this wasn’t a dress rehearsal for life, this was it.” After joining what became Guggenheim Partners, he worked in a Santa Monica, Calif., office overlooking the ocean.
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Mr. Minerd was a conservative willing to embrace some ideas from the left and seek middle ground.
In a 2020 interview with the Los Angeles Times, he took aim at elite universities, including the University of Pennsylvania. “These schools have huge endowments, and why are they not focusing their endowment on advancing a cause of essentially free education or at least education that provides complete support for people below certain income levels?” he asked. Mr. Minerd said he wouldn’t make donations going to “bricks and mortar and making the place look better when people who would be qualified to come there can’t afford to do it. And, of course, if we had more equal access to education, it would help address some of the issues around race and poverty.”
Referring to his bulky bodybuilder’s physique, he once told a Wall Street Journal reporter that when people asked about “key man” risk at Guggenheim and wondered what would happen if Mr. Minerd was hit by a truck, his staff members would respond, “Do you mean what would happen to the truck?”
One of his favorite charities was Union Rescue Mission, which provides food, shelter, training and other services to homeless people in Los Angeles County.
Andy Bales,
chief executive of Union Rescue Mission, recalled meeting Mr. Minerd around 2008, when the mission was in poor financial shape and in danger of having to sell one of its sites. “He told me that God was tapping him on the shoulder, telling him to do more for others,” the Rev. Bales said. Mr. Minerd ended up donating more than $5 million to the mission to allow it to expand services.
Mr. Minerd was often seen with a rescue dog he called Grace, who accompanied him to the office and on trips.
His work schedule was punishing. “He was up early for East Coast customers and went late for his West Coast customers,” the Rev. Bales said.
Write to Charley Grant at charles.grant@wsj.com and James R. Hagerty at bob.hagerty@wsj.com
WASHINGTON—The Senate Finance Committee has opened an inquiry into whether auto makers including
Tesla Inc.
and
General Motors Co.
are using parts and materials made with forced labor in China’s Xinjiang region.
In a letter sent Thursday, the committee asked the chief executives of eight car manufacturers to provide detailed information on their supply chains to help determine any links to Xinjiang, where the U.S. government has alleged the use of forced labor involving the Uyghur ethnic minority and others.
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The U.S. bans most imports from the region under the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act. The letter to car companies cited a recent report from the U.K.’s Sheffield Hallam University that found evidence that global auto makers were using metals, batteries, wiring and wheels made in Xinjiang, or sourcing from companies that used Uyghur workers elsewhere in China.
According to that report, some car manufacturers “are unwittingly sourcing metals from the Uyghur region.” It said some of the greatest exposure comes from steel and aluminum parts as metals producers shift work to Xinjiang to take advantage of Chinese government subsidies and other incentives.
The U.S. ban on products linked to Xinjiang has already caused disruptions in the import of solar panels made there.
China has called Washington’s claim baseless. It disputes claims by human-rights groups that it mistreats Uyghurs by confining them in internment camps, with Beijing saying its efforts are aimed at fighting terrorism and providing vocational education.
Besides
Tesla
and GM, the letter signed by Finance Committee Chairman
Ron Wyden
(D., Ore.), was sent to
Ford Motor Co.
,
Mercedes-Benz Group AG
,
Honda Motor Co.
,
Toyota Motor Corp.
,
Volkswagen AG
and
Stellantis
NV, whose brands include Chrysler and Jeep.
GM said its policy prohibits any form of forced or involuntary labor, abusive treatment of employees or corrupt business practices in its supply chain.
“We actively monitor our global supply chain and conduct extensive due diligence, particularly where we identify or are made aware of potential violations of the law, our agreements, or our policies,“ the company said.
A Volkswagen spokesman said the company investigates any alleged violation of its policy, saying “serious violations such as forced labor could result in termination of the contract with the supplier.” A Stellantis spokesperson said the company is reviewing the letter and the claims made in the Sheffield Hallam study.
Other companies didn’t immediately provide comments.
“I recognize automobiles contain numerous parts sourced across the world and are subject to complex supply chains. However, this recognition cannot cause the United States to compromise its fundamental commitment to upholding human rights and U.S. law,” Mr. Wyden wrote.
The information requested includes supply-chain mapping and analysis of raw materials, mining, processing and parts manufacturing to determine links to Xinjiang, including manufacturing conducted in third countries such as Mexico and Canada.
General Motors says its policy prohibits forced or involuntary labor, abusive treatment of employees or corrupt business practices in its supply chain.
Photo:
mandel ngan/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
The lawmakers are also asking the auto makers if they had ever terminated, or threatened to terminate, relations with suppliers over possible links to Xinjiang, and if so, provide details of the cases.
The committee’s action comes as the Biden administration and bipartisan lawmakers increase their focus on alleged forced-labor practices in China as a key component of their confrontation with Beijing over its economic policy. The United Auto Workers has called on the auto industry to “shift its entire supply chain out of the region.”
The State Department has said more than one million Uyghurs and other minorities are held in as many as 1,200 state-run internment camps in Xinjiang. Chinese authorities “use threats of physical violence” and other methods to force detainees to work in adjacent or off-site factories, according to the department.
The U.S. Customs and Border Protection investigated 2,398 entries with a total value of $466 million during the fiscal year ended September, up from 1,469 entries in the previous year and 314 cases in fiscal 2000.
Analysts expect the CBP’s enforcement activity to further increase this year, with a strong bipartisan push for a tougher stance on the forced-labor issue.
The researchers at Sheffield Hallam University found that more than 96 mining, processing, or manufacturing companies relevant to the auto sector are operating in Xinjiang. The researchers used publicly available sources, including corporate annual reports, websites, government directives, state media and customs records.
is planning to significantly expand its data-encryption practices, a step that is likely to create tensions with law enforcement and governments around the world as the company continues to build new privacy protections for millions of iPhone users.
The expanded end-to-end encryption system, an optional feature called Advanced Data Protection, would keep most data secure that is stored in iCloud, an Apple service used by many of its users to store photos, back up their iPhones or save specific device data such as Notes and Messages. The data would be protected in the event that Apple is hacked, and it also wouldn’t be accessible to law enforcement, even with a warrant.
While Apple has drawn attention in the past for being unable to help agencies such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation access data on its encrypted iPhones, it has been able to provide much of the data stored in iCloud backups upon a valid legal request. Last year, it responded to thousands of such requests in the U.S., according to the company.
With these new security enhancements, Apple would no longer have the technical ability to comply with certain law-enforcement requests such as for iCloud backups—which could include iMessage chat logs and attachments and have been used in many investigations.
Apple has added additional methods to help users recover their end-to-end encrypted data.
Photo:
Apple
The company said the security enhancements, which were announced Wednesday, are designed to protect Apple customers from the most sophisticated attackers.
“As customers have put more and more of their personal information of their lives into their devices, these have become more and more the subject of attacks by advanced actors,” said
Craig Federighi,
Apple’s senior vice president of software engineering, in an interview. Some of these actors are going to great lengths to get their hands on the private information of people they have targeted, he said.
The FBI said it was “deeply concerned with the threat end-to-end and user-only-access encryption pose,” according to a statement provided by an agency spokeswoman. “This hinders our ability to protect the American people from criminal acts ranging from cyberattacks and violence against children to drug trafficking, organized crime and terrorism,” the statement said. The FBI and law enforcement agencies need “lawful access by design,” it said.
A spokesman for the Justice Department declined to comment.
Former Western law-enforcement and intelligence officials said they were surprised by Apple’s decision in part because the company had refrained in the past from rolling out such encryption settings for iCloud. The officials said Apple would sometimes point authorities to the iCloud as a possible means of collecting information that could be useful for criminal investigations.
Ciaran Martin,
former chief of the U.K.’s National Cyber Security Centre, said the announcement by Apple could pose legal complications for the company in multiple democracies that in recent years have adopted or weighed restrictions on technology that can’t be responsive to law-enforcement demands.
“Things will only be clearer when further technical details are given,” Mr. Martin said. “But on the face of it, existing legislation in Australia and looming legislation in the U.K. would seem to give those governments the power to tell Apple in those countries effectively not to do this.”
Last year, Apple proposed software for the iPhone that would identify child sexual-abuse material on the iPhone. Apple now says it has stopped development of the system, following criticism from privacy and security researchers who worried that the software could be misused by governments or hackers to gain access to sensitive information on the phone.
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Mr. Federighi said Apple’s focus related to protecting children has been on areas such as communication and giving parents tools to protect children in iMessage. “Child sexual abuse can be headed off before it occurs,” he said. “That’s where we’re putting our energy going forward.”
Apple released a feature in December 2021 called “Communication Safety” in Messages, which offers tools for parents that warn their children when they have received or attempt to send photos that contain nudity. The option is part of Apple’s “Screen Time” parental-controls software.
The new encryption system, to be tested by early users starting Wednesday, will roll out as an option in the U.S. by year’s end, and then worldwide including China in 2023, Mr. Federighi said.
“This development will prompt questions at home and abroad, including whether the government of China will really accept a loss of data access,” said Sumon Dantiki, a former senior FBI and Justice Department official who worked on cyber investigations and is now a partner at the King & Spalding law firm. U.S. officials have long pointed to China’s increasingly strict demands for access to data on companies that operate within its borders as a national-security concern.
In addition to Advanced Data Protection, Apple is also modifying its Messages app to make it harder for messages to be snooped on, and it will now allow users to log in to their Apple accounts with hardware-based security keys made by other companies such as Yubico.
Privacy groups have long called on Apple to strengthen encryption on its cloud servers. But because the Advanced Protection encryption keys will be controlled by users, the system will restrict Apple’s ability to restore lost data.
Apple has added additional methods to help users recover their end-to-end encrypted data.
Photo:
Uncredited
To set up Advanced Data Protection, users will have to enable at least one data-recovery method. This could be a recovery key—a long list of numbers and characters that users could print out and store in a secure location—or the user could assign a friend or family member as a recovery contact.
Over the past two decades, businesses and consumers have moved much of their data off computer systems that they control and onto the cloud—data centers filled with servers that are operated by large technology companies. That trend has made these cloud systems an attractive target for cyber intruders.
Mr. Federighi said that Apple isn’t aware of any customer data being taken from iCloud by hackers but that the Advanced Protection system will make things harder for them. “All of us in the industry who manage customer data are under constant attack by entities that are attempting to breach our systems,” he said. “We have to stay ahead of future attacks with new protections.”
As Apple has locked down its systems, governments worldwide have become increasingly interested in the data stored on phones and cloud computers. That interest has led to friction between Apple and law-enforcement agencies, along with a growing market for iPhone hacking tools. In 2020, Attorney General
William Barr
pressured Apple for a way to crack the iPhone’s encryption to help with a terror investigation into a shooting that killed three people at a Florida Navy base.
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Advanced Protection will reduce the amount of iCloud information that Apple can provide to law-enforcement agencies, who frequently request iPhone data from Apple as part of their investigations. Apple received requests for information on 7,122 Apple accounts from U.S. authorities in the first six months of 2021, the last period for which the company has provided information.
Apple had already offered end-to-end encryption for some of its services, but the protection will now extend to 23 services, including iPhone backups and Photos. However, three services—Mail, Contacts and Calendar—won’t qualify for Advanced Protection because they use older technology protocols, Mr. Federighi said.
Mr. Federighi said Apple believes it shares the same mission as law enforcement and governments: keeping people safe. If sensitive information were to get in the hands of an attacker, a foreign adversary or some other bad actor, it could be disastrous, he said.
“We’re giving users the option to keep that key only on their devices, which means that even if an attacker were to successfully breach the cloud and access all that data, it would be nonsense to them,” Mr. Federighi said. “They’d lack the key to decrypt it.”
A/S flubbed the launch of its buzzy new weight-loss drug Wegovy, missing out on hundreds of millions of dollars in sales and squandering a head start before a rival could begin selling a competing product.
Wegovy is among a new class of drugs that health regulators have approved to cut the weight of people who are obese, a goal long sought by doctors and patients. Their weight-dropping potential became a viral sensation on social media. Elon Musk tweeted about Wegovy in October. And a related drug for diabetes, Ozempic, is a hot topic in Hollywood among celebrities seeking to stay thin, according to doctors.
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Yet Denmark-based Novo underestimated how big demand for the drug would be, and wasn’t ready to make enough to fill the prescriptions that flooded in after U.S. approval last year. Then a contract manufacturer halted production to address inspection issues.
“We should have forecasted better, which we did not,” Novo Chief Executive
Lars Fruergaard Jørgensen
said. “Had we forecasted that, we would have built a different supply chain.”
The missteps have proven costly for Novo, which was forced to ration Wegovy to patients who already had started taking it. The company has recorded around $700 million in sales to date, well short of the $2 billion in 2021 and 2022 sales that some analysts had projected before supply issues hit.
Novo Nordisk Chief Executive Lars Fruergaard Jørgensen admits the drug company misjudged how popular Wegovy would be.
Photo:
Carsten Snejbjerg/Bloomberg News
Amber Blaylock, a music teacher from Springfield, Mo., said she has been trying to get Wegovy to help her reduce weight since hearing about the drug on TikTok and YouTube. She asked her doctor in September to prescribe it, but hasn’t been able to find it.
“Frustrated and impatient for sure,” said Ms. Blaylock, 29 years old.
To turn things around, Mr. Jørgensen said Novo has increased its capacity to make Wegovy and plans a “relaunch” early next year, which should fulfill all orders.
Novo, however, lost valuable time establishing a beachhead in the lucrative obesity-drug market before rival
Eli Lilly
LLY 1.20%
& Co. can enter. Lilly is expected to launch a similar, competing drug named Mounjaro late next year or in early 2024.
The market for anti-obesity drugs, now worth $2.4 billion worldwide, could reach $50 billion in 2030, Morgan Stanley estimates.
“Novo has left the door open for Lilly,” said BMO Capital Markets analyst Evan David Seigerman.
Mr. Jørgensen said the company can regain lost ground because of high demand for Wegovy and the large potential for what is still a mostly untapped market. He said he was unconcerned with the looming competition with Lilly’s drug, because there is room for both products.
“We disappointed physicians and patients in the first round,” he said. “The company wants to be better prepared for the second round.” Novo lists Wegovy at $1,349 a month. Some commercial insurers cover the drug.
Wegovy works by imitating a hormone called GLP-1, which occurs naturally in the body and suppresses appetite, among other effects.
Novo developed GLP-1 drugs to treat diabetes. In 2017, the company began selling semaglutide, the active ingredient in Wegovy, under the brand name Ozempic to treat diabetes.
During the drug’s development, Novo found that weight loss was a side effect, prompting the company to probe using semaglutide to treat obesity. A key trial found that Wegovy helped people with a high body-mass index shed up to 15% of their weight, surpassing the results for older obesity drugs like Novo’s Saxenda.
Saxenda and other older weight-loss drugs had sold modestly, partly due to their limited weight loss, as well as some unpleasant side effects and the refusal of many health insurers to pay up.
Novo worked with Catalent to fill its Wegovy weight-loss drug into syringes.
Photo:
yara nardi/Reuters
Given the experience, Novo figured Wegovy sales would increase gradually. To augment its own production, Novo contracted with a single manufacturer,
Catalent Inc.,
to fill the drug into syringes. Novo said it thought it would have time to add manufacturing capacity to meet a gradual increase in demand.
Wegovy may be superior to older drugs, but “we thought it would still be a journey to open up the market,” Mr. Jørgensen said.
When Novo started selling Wegovy in the U.S. in June last year, however, demand took off. Doctors with large followings on social media touted Wegovy as groundbreaking, while users posted photos holding injection pens and shared their progress losing weight.
“Demand for these new agents has been unlike anything I’ve ever seen in my time in medicine,” said Dr. Michael Albert, a physician specializing in weight-loss treatment at telehealth provider Accomplish Health who has consulted for Novo. Many of his patients began asking about Wegovy, he said, after they heard about it in Facebook groups or on TikTok.
It took only five weeks for doctors to write new prescriptions for Wegovy at the same weekly volume that Saxenda took four years to reach, according to Mr. Jørgensen. “It’s a completely different ballgame that we’re in,” said Ambre Brown Morley, the company’s vice president of media and digital global communication.
Within weeks, supplies were strained. Novo warned that patients might experience delays in receiving their prescriptions. Then in December 2021, Catalent temporarily stopped deliveries and manufacturing at its plant after Food and Drug Administration inspections found faulty air filters and damaged equipment.
To date, Novo has recorded around $700 million in Wegovy sales compared with the $2 billion in 2021 and 2022 sales that some analysts had projected before supply issues emerged.
Photo:
JACOB GRONHOLT-PEDERSEN/REUTERS
Many people who couldn’t get Wegovy for weight loss have sought prescriptions for Novo’s Ozempic and Lilly’s Mounjaro, according to analysts, even though the FDA hasn’t approved the latter two drugs for such use. Ozempic sales increased so much that certain doses are in short supply through at least January, the FDA said.
Lilly is studying Mounjaro, its GLP-1-containing drug for diabetes, for weight loss.
Novo and Lilly said they don’t promote their diabetes drugs for the “off-label” use treating obesity.
A Catalent spokesman said the company is still making improvements to the plant and working with customers to limit the impact of supply constraints on patients. The company restarted filling Wegovy syringes at the facility in the spring.
Novo has been amassing a sufficient inventory before the Wegovy relaunch, Mr. Jørgensen said. When Wegovy relaunches, he said, insurance coverage will be broader than when the drug first went on sale.
Write to Peter Loftus at Peter.Loftus@wsj.com and Denise Roland at denise.roland@wsj.com
faces a difficult choice between loosening China’s zero-tolerance Covid-19 policy or doubling down on restrictions that have locked down neighborhoods and stifled the country’s economy over the past three years.
Neither option is a good one for a regime focused on stability. Stock markets around the globe declined Monday as protests in China fueled worries among investors about the outlook for the world’s second-largest economy.
“Xi’s leadership is in a bind,” said
Yuen Yuen Ang,
a political scientist focused on China at the University of Michigan. “If they compromise and relax zero-Covid, they fear it will encourage mass protests. If they repress more, it will create wider and deeper grievances.”
Protesters across China have directly challenged the authority of the Chinese leader and the Communist Party in scenes unthinkable just a month ago, when Mr. Xi secured a third term in power.
In Shanghai over the weekend, protesters used call-and-response chanting to demand political change. In Beijing, crowds shouted “Freedom.” In other large cities, demonstrators marched holding blank sheets of paper—a swipe at government censorship.
China experts say the protests are unlikely to translate into a leadership change, in the near term at least. But Beijing’s dilemma is a tough one. It could lift restrictions and risk a large and potentially deadly wave of Covid infections that could undermine its credibility. Or it could crack down on the demonstrators and stick with a strict pandemic strategy that large parts of the population are clearly fed up with.
All three benchmark U.S. stock indexes closed more than 1% lower on Monday as investors worried that the protests would lead to more market volatility.
Widespread and public outpourings of political grievance have been extremely rare in a country where people have long consented to obey party authorities—as long as they deliver prosperity and allow citizens relative freedom in their personal lives.
People sang slogans and chanted for political change on a street in Shanghai on Sunday.
Photo:
hector retamal/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Police cars were parked on a Shanghai street on Monday, a day after rare demonstrations were held.
Photo:
hector retamal/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
The protests put in stark relief the fraying of that social contract, showing that the climbing economic and social costs of China’s zero-Covid policies—coupled with an increasingly authoritarian regime’s zero-tolerance for dissent—have driven many to a kind of breaking point.
Demonstrations aren’t unusual in China, but they are largely over local grievances such as unpaid wages, land disputes or pollution. Since the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, the party has made it a priority to prevent nationwide protests of a political nature.
The current wave of unrest started last week in the remote northwestern region of Xinjiang after 10 people died in a fire. Residents contended that Covid restrictions were partly to blame for delaying rescuers and contributing to the death toll. Officials said some barriers had to be moved but attributed the delay to parked cars in the way.
In the days since, the anger has spread across China. On Monday, authorities moved broadly to prevent any new protests, including dozens of uniformed and undercover police swarming the area around a highway bridge in Beijing where a lone protester hung a banner denouncing Mr. Xi in October. On Sunday, protesters had chanted lines from the banners.
In a rare show of defiance, crowds in China gathered for the third night as protests against Covid restrictions spread to Beijing, Shanghai and other cities. People held blank sheets of paper, symbolizing censorship, and demanded the Chinese president step down. Photo: Kevin Frayer/Getty Images
The unrest also underlined how anger about the Covid restrictions has united people from a range of social backgrounds—from migrant workers assembling iPhones in central China and residents of the remote region of Xinjiang to college students and middle-class urbanites in the nation’s biggest cities.
“The mass protests represent the biggest political crisis for Xi,” said
Minxin Pei,
editor of quarterly academic journal China Leadership Monitor. “It’s the first time in recent decades that protesters from a broad coalition of social groups have mounted a direct challenge to both the top leader himself and the party.”
Students staged a small protest Sunday at Tsinghua University in Beijing.
Photo:
Associated Press
Sudden reopening could lead to millions of intensive-care admissions in a country with fewer than four ICU beds per 100,000 people, and where many elderly still haven’t been fully vaccinated, according to public-health experts and official data. In addition, such a compromise would send a signal to the general public that mass protests are an effective means to win change, not something the government would want to encourage.
On the other hand, sticking to the zero-Covid policy could stir up even greater public resentment toward the leadership, with hard-to-gauge consequences.
The University of Michigan’s Ms. Ang and others say that the protests are unlikely to lead to any radical policy shift. Rather, one likely outcome is a mixture of selective relaxation of controls and harsh retaliation against select protesters.
Protesters and police stood on a street in Beijing on Monday.
Photo:
Kevin Frayer/Getty Images
“The danger is that if the leadership responds with repression, that could take China down a vicious cycle of control, leading to more grievances, to more control,” Ms. Ang said.
China’s Covid struggle underscores the limits of a political system where a lack of public debate has made it hard to adjust policies as other countries have done.
Many public-health experts say Beijing has missed the window to put in place a gradual exit plan out of zero-Covid. For the past three years, the government has spent significant resources on building ever more quarantine facilities and expanding mass-testing capabilities, while China’s progress on developing more effective vaccines has been slow.
Partly thanks to Beijing’s early successes at stemming infections, the Chinese population has developed little natural immunity. It only has access to homegrown vaccines that are less effective than some of the global alternatives.
A neighborhood in Beijing where access is restricted because of Covid regulations.
Photo:
Ng Han Guan/Associated Press
Notably, negotiations between China and the European Union over mRNA vaccine imports from the bloc fell through nearly two years ago, according to people familiar with the matter, after Beijing insisted that Europe recognize Chinese vaccines.
Beijing has also resisted approving any large-scale adoption of the mRNA vaccine co-developed by
Pfizer Inc.
and
BioNTech SE,
a decision healthcare and foreign-policy experts attribute partly to China’s strained relations with the U.S.
Mr. Xi and the party have faced public anger before, most notably during the early days of the pandemic when emotions swelled with the death from the virus of
Li Wenliang,
a young doctor in the city of Wuhan who was punished for trying to raise an early alarm. Ultimately, much of the nation’s anger then was directed at local authorities.
In the years since, Mr. Xi has identified himself closely with the zero-Covid strategy. That is now turning him into the natural target of protesters’ fury and has also made it nearly impossible to shift course without diminishing his standing. Notably, a People’s Daily article on Sunday continued to stress the importance of unwaveringly sticking to the existing Covid-control policy.
A Covid testing station in Shanghai on Monday. The government has built quarantine facilities and expanded mass-testing capabilities, while its development of more-effective Covid vaccines has been slow.
Photo:
Bloomberg News
As repeated lockdowns kept businesses closed and pushed up unemployment, some hoped there would be a shift away from the zero-Covid strategy once an October party conclave that handed Mr. Xi another five-year term was over.
As long as the top leader felt politically secure enough, those people argued, he would want to adjust the policy to help the economy—which still matters to the leadership despite its increased emphasis on ideology and party control.
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Businesses and investors alike cheered when Beijing earlier this month unveiled plans to “optimize and adjust” the Covid policy, including shortened quarantine restrictions. Many market analysts viewed the step as the beginning of a gradual exit from zero-Covid.
However, as Covid cases surged again along with the colder season, local officials across the country reimposed strict restrictions for fear of putting their jobs in jeopardy. Keeping Covid under control has remained the overarching political priority for localities that are also struggling to reboot economic activity.
The contrast of China’s continued Covid lockdowns as the rest of the world has moved on became more obvious over the past week as many Chinese soccer fans have seen TV images of thousands of maskless spectators cheering in stadiums during the World Cup in Qatar.
Then came the deadly fire in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, where residents had struggled with lockdowns of more than 100 days, prompting protesters across the country to defy the risks of expressing dissent to seek change.
People lighted candles on Sunday in Beijing for victims of a deadly fire in the northwestern city of Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang.
to resume pumping oil from its Venezuelan oil fields after President Nicolás Maduro’s government and an opposition coalition agreed to implement an estimated $3 billion humanitarian relief program and continue dialogue in Mexico City on efforts to hold free and fair elections.
Following the Norwegian-brokered agreement signed in Mexico City, the Biden administration granted a license to Chevron that allows the California-based oil company to return to its oil fields in joint ventures with the Venezuela national oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela SA. The new license, granted by the Treasury Department, permits Chevron to pump Venezuelan oil for the first time in years.
Biden administration officials said the license prohibits PdVSA from receiving profits from Chevron’s oil sales. The officials said the U.S. is prepared to revoke or amend the license, which will be in effect for six months, at any time if Venezuela doesn’t negotiate in good faith.
Venezuela produces some 700,000 barrels of oil a day, compared with more than 3 million in the 1990s.
Photo:
Isaac Urrutia/Reuters
“If Maduro again tries to use these negotiations to buy time to further consolidate his criminal dictatorship, the United States and our international partners must snap back the full force of our sanctions,” said Sen.
Robert Menendez
(D., N.J.), the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The U.S. policy shift could signal an opening for other oil companies to resume their business in Venezuela two years after the Trump administration clamped down on Chevron and other companies’ activities there as part of a maximum-pressure campaign meant to oust the government led by Mr. Maduro. The Treasury Department action didn’t say how non-U.S. oil companies might re-engage with Venezuela.
Venezuela produces some 700,000 barrels of oil a day, compared with more than 3 million barrels a day in the 1990s. Some analysts said Venezuela could hit 1 million barrels a day in the medium term, a modest increment reflecting the dilapidated state of the country’s state-led oil industry.
Some Republican lawmakers criticized the Biden administration’s decision to clear the way for Chevron to pump more oil in Venezuela. “The Biden administration should allow American energy producers to unleash DOMESTIC production instead of begging dictators for oil,” Rep. Claudia Tenney (R., N.Y.) wrote on Twitter.
Biden administration officials said the decision to issue the license wasn’t a response to oil prices, which have been a major concern for President Biden and his top advisers in recent months as they seek to tackle inflation. “This is about the regime taking the steps needed to support the restoration of democracy in Venezuela,” one of the officials said.
The Wall Street Journal reported in October that the Biden administration was preparing to scale down sanctions on Venezuela’s regime to allow Chevron to resume pumping oil there.
Jorge Rodriguez led the Venezuelan delegation to the talks in Mexico City, where an agreement was signed.
Photo:
Henry Romero/Reuters
Under the new license, profits from the sale of oil will go toward repaying hundreds of millions of dollars in debt owed to Chevron by PdVSA, administration officials said. The U.S. will require that Chevron report details of its financial operations to ensure transparency, they said.
Chevron spokesman Ray Fohr said the new license allows the company to commercialize the oil currently being produced at its joint-venture assets. He said the company will conduct its business in compliance within the current framework.
The license prohibits Chevron from paying taxes and royalties to the Venezuelan government, which surprised some experts. They had been expecting that direct revenue would encourage PdVSA to reroute oil cargoes away from obscure export channels, mostly to Chinese buyers at a steep discount, which Venezuela has relied on for years to skirt sanctions.
“If this is the case, Maduro doesn’t have significant incentives to allow that many cargoes of Chevron to go out,” said
Francisco Monaldi,
director of the Latin America Energy Program at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Sending oil to China, even at a heavy discount, would be better for Caracas than only paying debt to Chevron, he said.
The limited scope of the Chevron license is seen as a way to ensure that Mr. Maduro stays the course on negotiations. “Rather than fully opening the door for Venezuelan oil to flow to the U.S. market immediately, what the license proposes is a normalization path that is likely contingent on concessions from the Maduro regime on the political and human-rights front,” said
Luisa Palacios,
senior research scholar at the Columbia University Center on Global Energy Policy.
The license allows Venezuelan oil back into the U.S., historically its largest market, but only if the oil from the PdVSA-Chevron joint ventures is first sold to Chevron and doesn’t authorize exports from the ventures “to any jurisdiction other than the United States,” which appears to restrict PdVSA’s own share of the sales to the U.S. market, said Mr. Monaldi.
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The license prohibits transactions involving goods and services from Iran, a U.S.-sanctioned oil producer that has helped Venezuela overcome sanctions in recent years. It blocks dealings with Venezuelan entities owned or controlled by Western-sanctioned Russia, which has played a role in Venezuela’s oil industry.
Jorge Rodriguez,
the head of Venezuela’s Congress as well as the government’s delegation to the Mexico City talks, declined to comment on the issuance of the Chevron license.
Freddy Guevara,
a member of the opposition coalition’s delegation, said the estimated $3 billion in frozen funds intended for humanitarian relief and infrastructure projects in Venezuela would be administered by the United Nations. He cautioned that it would take time to implement the program fully. “It begins now, but the time period is up to three years,” he said.
The Venezuelan state funds frozen in overseas banks by sanctions are expected to be used to alleviate the country’s health, food and electric-power crises in part by building infrastructure for electricity and water-treatment needs. “Not one dollar will go to the vaults of the regime,” Mr. Guevara said.
Chevron plans to restore lost output as it performs maintenance and other essential work, but it won’t attempt major work that would require new investments in the country’s oil fields until debts of $4.2 billion are repaid. That could take about two to three years depending on oil-market conditions, according to people familiar with the matter.
PdVSA owes Chevron and other joint-venture partners their shares of more than two years of revenue from oil sales, after the 2020 U.S. sanctions barred the Venezuelan company from paying its partners, one of the people said. The license would allow Chevron to collect its share of dividends from its joint ventures such as Petropiar, in which Chevron is a 30% partner.
Analysts said the new agreement raises expectations that will take time and work to fulfill. “Ensuring the success of talks won’t be easy, but it’s clear that offering gradual sanctions relief like this in order to incentivize agreements is the only way forward. It’s a Champagne-popping moment for the negotiators, but much more work remains to be done,” said Geoff Ramsey, Venezuela director at the Washington Office on Latin America.
—José de Córdoba and Ginette Gonzalez contributed to this article.
Write to Collin Eaton at collin.eaton@wsj.com and Andrew Restuccia at andrew.restuccia@wsj.com
