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Lula narrowly defeats Bolsonaro to win Brazil presidency again

SAO PAULO, Oct 30 (Reuters) – Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva narrowly defeated President Jair Bolsonaro in a runoff election on Sunday that marked a stunning comeback for the leftist former president and the end of Brazil’s most right-wing government in decades.

Brazil’s Supreme Electoral Court declared Lula the next president, with 50.9% of votes versus 49.1% for Bolsonaro. The 77-year-old Lula’s inauguration is scheduled for Jan. 1.

The vote was a rebuke for the fiery far-right populism of Bolsonaro, who emerged from the back benches of Congress to forge a novel conservative coalition but lost support as Brazil ran up one of the worst death tolls of the coronavirus pandemic.

Bolsonaro remained silent on Sunday night after the results were announced and some of his allies publicly acknowledged his defeat, defying expectations that he might immediately challenge the narrow result after making baseless claims of fraud in previous elections.

Bolsonaro did not make a call to Lula, according to campaign advisers.

Lula said in a speech he would unite a divided country and ensure that Brazilians “put down arms that never should have been taken up,” while inviting international cooperation to preserve the Amazon rainforest and make global trade more fair.

“I will govern for 215 million Brazilians, and not just for those who voted for me,” Lula said at his campaign headquarters. “There are not two Brazils. We are one country, one people, one great nation.”

Lula arrived at a rally in Sao Paulo shortly after 8:00 p.m. (1100 GMT), waving from the sunroof of a car. Ecstatic supporters near Paulista Avenue waited for him, chanting slogans and drinking champagne.

Vice President-elect Geraldo Alckmin and campaign aides jumped up and down chanting, “It’s time Jair, it’s time to leave already,” in a video circulating on social media.

OPPOSITION

Last year, Bolsonaro, 67, openly discussed refusing to accept the results of the vote.

A senior Bolsonaro campaign aide, speaking on condition of anonymity, said he would not make a speech on Sunday. The Bolsonaro campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

One close Bolsonaro ally, lawmaker Carla Zambelli, in an apparent nod to Lula’s victory wrote on Twitter, “I PROMISE you, I will be the greatest opposition that Lula has ever imagined.”

Electoral authorities are bracing for him to dispute the outcome, sources told Reuters, and made security preparations in case his supporters stage protests.

U.S. President Joe Biden congratulated Lula for winning “free, fair and credible elections,” joining a chorus of compliments from European and Latin American leaders.

His victory consolidates a new “pink tide” in Latin America, after landmark leftist victories in Colombia and Chile’s elections, echoing a regional political shift two decades ago that introduced Lula to the world stage.

Lula has vowed a return to state-driven economic growth and social policies that helped lift millions out of poverty when he was previously president from 2003 to 2010. He also promises to combat destruction of the Amazon rainforest, now at a 15-year high, and make Brazil a leader in global climate talks.

“These were four years of hatred, of negation of science,” Ana Valeria Doria, 60, a doctor in Rio de Janeiro who celebrated with a drink. “It won’t be easy for Lula to manage the division in this country. But for now it’s pure happiness.”

A former union leader born into poverty, Lula organized strikes against Brazil’s military government in the 1970s. His two-term presidency was marked by a commodity-driven economic boom and he left office with record popularity.

However, his Workers Party was later tarred by a deep recession and a record-breaking corruption scandal that jailed him for 19 months on bribery convictions, which were overturned by the Supreme Court last year.

In his third term, Lula will confront a sluggish economy, tighter budget constraints and a more hostile legislature.

Bolsonaro’s allies form the largest bloc in Congress after this month’s general election and won the races for governor in Brazil’s three most economically powerful states, highlighting the enduring strength of his conservative coalition.

Reporting by Brian Ellsworth and Lisandra Paraguassu in Sao Paulo, Anthony Boadle and Ricardo Brito in Brasilia, Gabriel Stargardter in Rio de Janeiro; Editing by Brad Haynes and Grant McCool

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Kenya’s Ruto: From village chicken seller to president

SAMBUT, Kenya Aug 15 (Reuters) – In the rolling red hills outside the western Kenyan town of Eldoret, residents remember William Ruto as a barefoot schoolboy who used to sell chickens at a roadside stall.

Even then he possessed a fierce intelligence, they recalled, as they welcomed his ascent on Monday to his country’s presidency with a mixture of pride and disbelief. read more

“I could not imagine somebody who did not have shoes for all his life in primary school could become president,” said a grinning Esther Cherobon, who was in Ruto’s year at school.

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“We imagine all leaders are from rich families.”

He was always the boy with the highest marks in the school in Sambut village, she said, where part of the institution he attended – a one-room mud building with a rusting iron sheet roof – still stands.

Ruto takes office as Kenya faces a convergence of challenges. Billions of dollars in loans that outgoing President Uhuru Kenyatta borrowed to finance an infrastructure splurge are falling due.

The worst drought for 40 years has devastated the north, forcing 4 million people to rely on food aid.

Now 55, Ruto made Kenya’s class divisions the centrepiece of his campaign to become Kenya’s fifth president, promising to reward low-income “hustlers” and pouring scorn on Kenya’s political dynasties.

That was a barely veiled jab at his opponent Raila Odinga – who Ruto defeated in a tight ballot whose outcome Kenya’s electoral commission took almost a week to announce – and Kenyatta, son of the nation’s first vice president and president, respectively.

POLITICAL DANCE

But Kenyan politics is often a dance performed with convenient partners rather than rooted in political differences, and the circumstances of Ruto’s rise were no exception.

He shot to prominence as a youth organizer for former strongman President Daniel arap Moi, becoming one of Kenya’s youngest lawmakers and ministers.

He had supported Odinga during hotly disputed elections in 2007, when 1,200 people were killed after political violence sparked ethnic cleansing.

Both he and Kenyatta faced charges at the International Criminal Court over the violence, in a cases that later collapsed. A Kenyan lawyer is now on trial, accused of interfering with witnesses in Ruto’s case – accusations he denies.

Ruto then switched sides and became Kenyatta’s deputy president in 2013. But they fell out after the 2017 election, when Kenyatta reconciled with Odinga and distanced himself from Ruto.

Ruto insiders describe him as a gifted orator with a fierce work ethic.

During this campaign he chose a wheelbarrow to represent Kenya’s casual workers, though he himself – now a wealthy business magnate – travelled in a pimped-up sports utility vehicle emblazoned in party colours and nicknamed The Beast.

Odinga sought to undermine Ruto’s popularity by questioning the probity of his extensive business empire.

In July, a court ordered Ruto’s vice presidential pick Rigathi Gachagua to repay 202 million shillings ($2 million) which it determined were the proceeds of corruption. Gachagua and Ruto have dismissed the judgement as politically motivated. Gachagua has said he would appeal the ruling.

As president, Ruto has promised to reign in borrowing, publish opaque contracts with China, tackle corruption and disburse loans to small businesses. read more

Poor Kenyans, already reeling from COVID-19, are also grappling with global price increases of food and fuel. Many are angered by Kenyatta’s failure to reign in rampant corruption.

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Editing by Duncan Miriri, James Macharia Chege and John Stonestreet

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Ayman al-Zawahiri: from Cairo physician to al Qaeda leader

  • Joined Muslim Brotherhood as a teenager
  • From a respected Cairo family
  • Took over al Qaeda after death of bin Laden
  • Wielded influence as ideologue, strategist
  • Lacked bin Laden’s charisma

DUBAI, Aug 1 (Reuters) – Ayman al-Zawahiri succeeded Osama bin Laden as al Qaeda leader after years as its main organiser and strategist, but his lack of charisma and competition from rival militants Islamic State hobbled his ability to inspire sizeable attacks on the West.

Zawahiri, 71, was killed in a U.S. drone strike, U.S. President Joe Biden said on live television on Monday evening. U.S. officials said the attack took place on Sunday in the Afghan capital Kabul. read more

In the years following bin Laden’s death in 2011, U.S. air strikes killed a succession of Zawahiri’s deputies, weakening the veteran Egyptian militant’s ability to coordinate globally.

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He had watched as al Qaeda was effectively sidelined by the 2011 Arab revolts, launched mainly by middle-class activists and intellectuals opposed to decades of autocracy.

Despite a reputation as an inflexible and combative personality, Zawahiri managed to nurture loosely affiliated groups around the world that grew to wage devastating insurgencies, some of them rooted in turmoil arising from the Arab Spring. The violence destabilised a number of countries across Asia, Africa and the Middle East.

But al Qaeda’s days as the centrally directed, hierarchical network of plotters that attacked the United States on Sept. 11, 2001, were long gone. Instead, militancy returned to its roots in local-level conflicts, driven by a mix of local grievances and incitement by transnational jihadi networks using social media.

Zawahiri’s origins in Islamist militancy went back decades.

The first time the world heard of him was when he stood in a courtroom cage after the assassination of Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat in 1981.

“We have sacrificed and we are still ready for more sacrifices until the victory of Islam,” shouted Zawahiri, wearing a white robe, as fellow defendants enraged by Sadat’s peace treaty with Israel chanted slogans.

Zawahiri served a three-year jail term for illegal arms possession, but was acquitted of the main charges.

A trained surgeon – one of his pseudonyms was The Doctor – Zawahiri went to Pakistan on his release where he worked with the Red Crescent treating Islamist mujahideen guerrillas wounded in Afghanistan fighting Soviet forces.

During that period, he became acquainted with bin Laden, a wealthy Saudi who had joined the Afghan resistance.

Taking over the leadership of Islamic Jihad in Egypt in 1993, Zawahiri was a leading figure in a campaign in the mid-1990s to overthrow the government and set up a purist Islamic state. More than 1,200 Egyptians were killed.

Egyptian authorities mounted a crackdown on Islamic Jihad after an assassination attempt on President Hosni Mubarak in June of 1995 in Addis Ababa. The greying, white-turbaned Zawahiri responded by ordering a 1995 attack on the Egyptian embassy in Islamabad. Two cars filled with explosives rammed through the compound’s gates, killing 16 people.

In 1999, an Egyptian military court sentenced Zawahiri to death in absentia. By then he was living the spartan life of a militant after helping Bin Laden to form al Qaeda.

A videotape aired by Al Jazeera in 2003 showed the two men walking on a rocky mountainside – an image that Western intelligence hoped would provide clues on their whereabouts.

THREATS OF GLOBAL JIHAD

For years Zawahiri was believed to be hiding along the forbidding border between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

This year, U.S. officials identified that Zawahiri’s family – his wife, his daughter and her children – had relocated to a safe house in Kabul and subsequently identified Zawahiri at the same location, a senior administration official said.

He was killed in a drone attack when he came out on the balcony of the house on Sunday morning, the official said. No one else was hurt.
Zawahiri assumed leadership of al Qaeda in 2011 after U.S. Navy Seals killed bin Laden in his hideout in Pakistan. Since then he repeatedly called for global jihad, with an Ak-47 as his side during video messages.

In a eulogy for bin Laden, Zawahiri promised to pursue attacks on the West, recalling the Saudi-born militant’s threat that “you will not dream of security until we live it as a reality and until you leave the lands of the Muslims”.

As it turned out, the emergence of the even more hardline Islamic State in 2014-2019 in Iraq and Syria drew as much, if not more, attention from Western counter-terrorism authorities.

Zawahiri often tried to stir passions among Muslims by commenting online about sensitive issues such as U.S. policies in the Middle East or Israeli actions against Palestinians, but his delivery was seen as lacking bin Laden’s magnetism.

On a practical level, Zawahiri is believed to have been involved in some of al Qaeda’s biggest operations, helping organise the 2001 attacks, when airliners hijacked by al Qaeda were used to kill 3,000 people in the United States.

He was indicted for his alleged role in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. The FBI put a $25 million bounty on his head on its most wanted list.

PROMINENT FAMILY

Zawahiri did not emerge from Cairo’s slums, like others drawn to militant groups who promised a noble cause. Born in 1951 to a prominent Cairo family, Zawahiri was a grandson of the grand imam of Al Azhar, one of Islam’s most important mosques.

Zawahiri was raised in Cairo’s leafy Maadi suburb, a place favoured by expatriates from the Western nations he railed against. The son of a pharmacology professor, Zawahiri first embraced Islamic fundamentalism at the age of 15.

He was inspired by the revolutionary ideas of Egyptian writer Sayyid Qutb, an Islamist executed in 1966 on charges of trying to overthrow the state.

People who studied with Zawahiri at Cairo University’s Faculty of Medicine in the 1970s describe a lively young man who went to the cinema, listened to music and joked with friends.

“When he came out of prison he was a completely different person,” said a doctor who studied with Zawahiri and declined to be named.

In the courtroom cage after the assassination of Sadat at a military parade, Zawahiri addressed the international press, saying militants had suffered from severe torture including whippings and attacks by wild dogs in prison.

“They arrested the wives, the mothers, the fathers, the sisters and the sons in a trial to put the psychological pressure on these innocent prisoners,” he said.

Fellow prisoners said those conditions further radicalised Zawahiri and set him on his path to global jihad.

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Editing by Howard Goller, Raju Gopalakrishnan and Stephen Coates

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Mali’s ousted president Keita dies at 76

  • Keita dies at home in Bamako, former advisor says
  • Former president oversaw period of deep insecurity
  • Lost popular support and eventually ousted in coup

BAMAKO, Jan 16 (Reuters) – Former Malian president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, who was ousted by the military in 2020 after a turbulent seven-year rule, has died, officials said on Sunday. He was 76.

Known by his initials IBK, Keita ran the West African country from September 2013 until August 2020, during which Islamist insurgents overran large areas and ethnic violence flared.

Disputed legislative elections, rumours of corruption and low economic growth also fuelled public anger and drew tens of thousands onto the streets of the capital Bamako in 2020 to demand his resignation.

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He was eventually forced out by a military coup, whose leaders remain in charge despite strong international objections.

The interim government issued a statement on Sunday that read: “The government of Mali and the Malian people salute the memory of the illustrious deceased.”

Leaders from the region including Senegalese President Macky Sall and Burkina Faso’s president, Roch Kabore, sent condolences.

The cause of death was not immediately clear. A former adviser said Keita, who frequently travelled abroad for medical attention, had died at home in Bamako.

He was detained and put under house arrest during the coup, but those restrictions were lifted amid pressure from the West African political bloc ECOWAS.

Known for his white flowing robes and a tendency to slur his words, Keita came to power in a resounding election victory in 2013. He vowed to take on the corruption that had eroded support for his predecessor Amadou Toumani Toure, also toppled in a coup.

INSECURITY AND CORRUPTION

Keita had a reputation for firmness forged when he was prime minister in the 1990s, when he took a hard line with striking trade unions.

As president, he enjoyed strong international support, especially from former colonial ruler France, which poured in money and troops to counter al Qaeda-linked jihadists who in 2012 hijacked an ethnic Tuareg rebellion and swept across the desert north.

But continued insecurity ultimately marred his presidency.

French forces pushed back the insurgents in 2013. But they recovered, and have since killed hundreds of soldiers and civilians, driven out local leaders and in some areas set up their own systems of government.

The jihadist attacks also stoked ethnic violence between rival herding and farming communities, which claimed hundreds more lives and underscored the government’s lack of control. Abuses by the army bred more resentment, rights groups say.

Keita was also dogged by allegations of corruption.

In 2014, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund froze nearly $70 million in financing after the IMF expressed concern over the purchase of a $40 million presidential jet and the transparency of Mali’s defence spending.

When word got out in 2020 that Keita had been toppled, thousands celebrated on the streets.

With promises to end nepotism and corruption, the military struck a chord with millions of impoverished Malians who wanted a break from the past.

On Friday, 18 months on, thousands demonstrated in Bamako against strict sanctions imposed by ECOWAS on the transitional government for trying to extend its hold on power. read more

“IBK was a man who loved his country,” said a woman who came to Keita’s house on Sunday to pay her respects. “A good man who never betrayed Mali and who did everything so it did not fall.”

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Reporting By Tiemoko Diallo;
Additional reporting by Paul Lorgerie; Writing by Edward McAllister;
Editing by Angus MacSwan and Andrew Cawthorne

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No stranger to turmoil, Dutch dealmaker Wynaendts set for Deutsche chair

The headquarters of Germany’s Deutsche Bank are pictured in Frankfurt, Germany, September 21, 2020. REUTERS/Ralph Orlowski/File Photo

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  • Alexander Wynaendts oversaw bailout and deals as Aegon CEO
  • Takes helm at crucial time for Germany’s largest lender
  • Wynaendts a true European with global network, CEO says in memo
  • Deutsche Bank poaches chief risk officer from Natixis

FRANKFURT, Nov 21 (Reuters) – As head of Dutch insurer Aegon, Alexander Wynaendts led a complex European financial institution with staff around the world and a large U.S. presence during a turbulent decade, experience that should serve him well as the next chair of Germany’s Deutsche Bank (DBKGn.DE).

On Friday, a committee of Deutsche Bank’s supervisory board nominated Wynaendts to oversee Germany’s largest lender from next year. The full board backed him at a meeting on Sunday, and shareholders will vote on his appointment in May. read more

If elected, the position will catapult Wynaendts, who is relatively unknown in Germany, into a role as one of the country’s top bankers at a time when Deutsche is also steadying itself after a rocky decade with a view to a possible future merger.

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Deutsche Bank Chief Executive Officer, in a note to staff on Sunday dislosing the full board’s support for Wynaendts, called the Dutchman a true European and expert in international finance.

“Alex has experience in the fields that always made Deutsche Bank stand out: strong expertise in retail, corporate and capital markets business as well as in asset management – and a global network,” Sewing said in the memo, which was seen by Reuters.

Just months into his tenure at Aegon (AEGN.AS), a company that in the mid-19th century helped the Dutch pay for funerals, Wynaendts, 61, navigated a 3 billion euro ($3.39 billion) state bailout and restructuring as the 2008 financial crisis took its toll.

Deutsche has lost billions of euros and faced huge fines, leaving regulators fearing it was on the brink of collapse five years ago. Although it has started reaping small profits under new leadership, there remains plenty of unfinished business.

The bank is currently working on a new strategy plan to be presented in March and has yet to make good on a promise to shed 18,000 jobs, while analysts say it is at risk of missing a key profitability target next year.

A major question for the wider industry is the consolidation of Europe’s fragmented banks. Deutsche executives says they are working to make the lender strong for a potential future tie-up after it called off talks to merge with rival Commerzbank (CBKG.DE) in 2019.

Wynaendts – who oversaw a steady stream of acquisitions, disposals and partnerships from Canada to Mexico and Romania to China during a decade as the head of Aegon – is expected to embrace the strategy.

Aegon was involved in 87 M&A deals from 2012 through 2020, based on Refinitiv data.

He will also be well aware of the challenges of low interest rates and volatile markets, which hit Aegon’s capital position near the end of his time at the company. Aegon’s shares fell sharply during his tenure due to the financial crisis and the pandemic.

Reuters Graphics

Wynaendts would take over from Austrian Paul Achleitner, another former insurance executive who previously worked at Allianz (ALVG.DE), when he steps down in May. Achleitner is credited with installing current CEO Christian Sewing to help turn the bank around after a number of management reshuffles during his decade at the helm.

Separately, Deutsche announced on Sunday that it had filled the role of chief risk officer, poaching Olivier Vigneron from France’s Natixis. read more

($1 = 0.8859 euros)

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Reporting by Tom Sims and Frank Siebelt; Editing by Kirsten Donovan, Jane Merriman and David Evans

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Self-belief and strategy: Japan’s Taro Kono upends race for next premier

Taro Kono, Japan’s vaccination programme chief and ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) lawmaker, attends a news conference as he announces his candidacy for the party’s presidential election in Tokyo, Japan, September 10, 2021. REUTERS/Issei Kato

TOKYO, Sept 14 (Reuters) – When Taro Kono, Japan’s leading contender to be prime minister, was a senior in high school, he asked his father to send him overseas for university, but was flatly refused.

Instead, the elder Kono, a leading politician in the ruling party, took his son to a U.S. embassy reception in a bid to prove his English was not good enough.

But the move backfired.

“I went around the room telling people enthusiastically, in my broken English, how I wanted to study abroad but my father was against it, so I had a problem,” Kono wrote in a recent book.

Everyone said no, he should wait. But that response, and perhaps his son’s audacity, somehow convinced the father, and Kono wound up spending four years at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C.

Now 58, Japan’s popular vaccines minister is fluent in English and hopes to parlay that early combination of self-belief, strategy and stubbornness into becoming leader of the conservative ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and prime minister.

In addition to a resume studded with high-profile portfolios such as foreign affairs and defence, he runs a Twitter feed in two languages and, in a world of staid politicians, speaks bluntly, by contrast with Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga.

“Kono’s a tight communicator, he’s talking,” said Corey Wallace, a foreign policy specialist at Kanagawa University.

“He’s always out there, giving press conferences on the vaccine rollout and so on,” Wallace added. “Suga looked like he only communicated when he absolutely had to.”

Kono regularly tops opinion polls as voters’ choice for the next prime minister, which will help him with both rank-and-file members in the LDP contest, and young lawmakers worried about keeping their jobs as a general election looms this year.

Image, at which Kono excels, could trump policy, said Airo Hino, a professor of political science at Waseda University.

“Lawmakers are definitely going to pick who they think is better for re-election,” Hino added.

“They’re thinking of election posters, and their faces on them with the LDP president. This is especially true in urban areas, and with the young.”

SOCIAL MEDIA REACH

Kono’s outreach has flourished on social media, where he has garnered 2.4 million followers on Twitter.

The whimsical posts of early this year, featuring memes, his lunch, or a mask with a dinosaur skull, have shifted to promoting the vaccine and highlighting online policy meetings.

That Kono had forged a genuine connection with those who do not usually care about politicians became clear when debate erupted online after he blocked some of those who disagreed with him on Twitter.

But that incident also throws light on one of his biggest weaknesses, say analysts.

“He wants you to like him, and he wants to like you, and he wants to engage, but he has a little bit of an angry streak and it can be a liability,” Wallace said.

In 2019, when foreign minister, Kono berated the South Korean ambassador during a meeting in front of cameras, telling him he was “extremely rude”.

These memories stir consternation in South Korea, already nervous about the conservative stance Kono took on key policies when a cabinet minister.

That is a contrast with his father, Yohei Kono, the chief cabinet secretary who authored a landmark apology in 1993 to “comfort women,” a euphemism for those forced to work in Japan’s wartime brothels.

South Korean media have played up his hardline stance, and some commentators fear already-strained ties might not improve.

But at home there is hope that Kono, whose maverick nature brings to mind the wildly popular Junichiro Koizumi, prime minister from 2001 to 2006, may be able to get things done.

Analysts say most of the blame for Japan’s handling of the pandemic has landed on Suga, sinking his cabinet, while Kono has built an image of working hard on the vaccine rollout.

Japan’s emergency measures achieved little until recently to curb virus infections that swamped its hospitals, but after a slow start vaccination rates have risen to a little more than half, pulling close to the United States and other G7 nations.

“He … overcame all the hurdles and bureaucratic excuses notably made by the ministry of health,” said Kenji Shibuya, former director of the Institute for Population Health at King’s College London, who directed municipal vaccinations in Fukushima prefecture, north of Tokyo, the capital.

“I think he is the only candidate who can challenge the status quo.”

But first Kono must win, which means he will have to overcome the deep-seated fears of party elders that he could be difficult to keep in check.

“That’s not to say Kono is completely against what the party wants to do,” Wallace added. “But he will be his own prime minister, one way or another.”

Additional reporting by Ju-min Park and Rocky Swift; Editing by Clarence Fernandez

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