Tag Archives: Modis

Ukraine’s Zelenskiy seeks India PM Modi’s help with ‘peace formula’

NEW DELHI (Reuters) -Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskiy on Monday said he sought India’s help with implementing a “peace formula” in a phone call with Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The conversation comes at a time when India is seeking to strengthen trade relations with Moscow while Western nations introduce new measures to limit Russia’s funding of the war.

“I had a phone call with PM Narendra Modi and wished a successful G20 presidency,” Zelenskiy wrote on Twitter. “It was on this platform that I announced the peace formula and now I count on India’s participation in its implementation.”

Zelenskiy asked the Group of 20 (G20) major economies last month to adopt Ukraine’s 10-point peace formula and to end the war. India holds the G20 presidency for a year.

The Indian government said in statement late on Monday that the two leaders discussed opportunities for strengthening bilateral cooperation.

“The Prime Minister explained the main priorities of India’s G20 Presidency, including giving a voice to the concerns of developing nations on issues like food and energy security.”

Modi also “strongly reiterated” his call for an immediate end to hostilities in Ukraine and conveyed India’s support for any peace efforts.

India, which has not explicitly condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, has emerged as the largest buyer of Russian oil after China, this month taking barrels of Urals crude at well below a $60 price cap agreed by Western nations.

The country’s foreign minister has said that as the world’s third-largest consumer of oil and gas, where income levels are not high, India had to look after its own interests and called Russia “a steady and time-tested partner”.

Reuters also reported last month that Moscow had sent India a list of more than 500 products for potential delivery, including parts for cars, aircraft and trains, as sanctions squeeze Russia’s ability to keep vital industries running.

India, too, has sent Russia a list of Indian products for access to Russian markets, according to the foreign minister, as it seeks to balance bilateral trade that is now tilted towards Russia.

(Reporting by Shivam Patel in New Delhi; Editing by Kirsten Donovan)

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Political setbacks diminish India PM Modi’s strongman image

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses a public meeting at Jerenga Pathar in the Sivasagar district of India’s Assam state on Jan. 23, 2021.

Biju Boro | AFP | Getty Images

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi revels in his image as a strong and decisive leader. But the premier was forced to make a stunning U-turn recently and abandoned controversial farm laws after year-long protests — a move one analyst called a “public policy failure.”

“While apologizing to the countrymen, today I want to say sincerely that perhaps there must have been some deficiency … that we could not explain the truth like the light of the lamp to the farmer brothers,” Modi said in a national televised address in November last year.

“I want to tell you, the entire country, that we have decided to repeal all three agricultural laws,” he announced. 

India’s parliament passed those laws in September 2020 triggering months of protests, which saw tens of thousands of farmers take to the streets. The reforms would have removed state protections that have shielded India’s farmers for decades, and subject them to unfettered free-market mechanisms where competition would be high.

This was one of Modi’s biggest policy reversals since assuming power in 2014. The rare apology was a humbling moment for the prime minister, who learned there are drawbacks to his strongman approach.

“This is not Modi’s first public policy failure, though certainly it was the most public reversal,” said Akhil Bery, director of South Asia Initiatives at the Asia Society Policy Institute. The political cave in on the agriculture reforms “did show that there are limitations to his power,” he told CNBC.

A hallmark of Modi’s governing style has been the use of executive power, with little public debate for “big bang” reforms or policy declarations, said Neelanjan Sircar, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi.

When the government is unable to stanch protest and criticism, it dents Modi’s image and he must look to change course.

Neelanjan Sircar

Centre for Policy Research

“Yet, when we look at some of the notable attempts to use executive power in this manner, we do not find a lot of successes,” he added.

“Whether [it’s] land use changes, modifications to India’s citizenship rules or agricultural reforms, the government has been forced to either stall or reverse its proposed policies,” Sircar said. “When the government is unable to stanch protest and criticism, it dents Modi’s image and he must look to change course.”

High-stakes state polls

These policy missteps couldn’t come at a worse time for the prime minister as India heads to the polls in several key states in February and March.

Local elections in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur will be a crucial indicator of public sentiment ahead of the 2024 general elections. Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) controls four of the five states.

“The upcoming elections in Uttar Pradesh will be a key test for his popularity — whether or not people are growing disenchanted with his governing style,” said Bery.

“In some parts of the state, yes, he will be a drag especially in western [Uttar Pradesh] where there is a strong farming constituency. These farmers are fairly opposed to the government due to the farm laws,” he added.

Still, Modi remains India’s most popular leader. According to the data intelligence agency Morning Consult, his popularity is still the highest among the world leaders they track, and he maintains a strong base of support in India.

Criticism over Covid handling

But the prime minister’s popularity was eroded last year as India battled a deadly second Covid-19 wave.

According to India Today’s “Mood of the Nation” survey released in August, only 24% of respondents felt Modi was the best choice for the next prime minister at that time. It was a sharp decline from 38% in January 2021.

A key reason for the drop in ratings was the way he handled the Covid crisis and related economic concerns, such as surging inflation and rising unemployment.

Modi was widely criticized for his extensive campaigns and for holding large rallies while India was in the middle of the delta outbreak, which took a devastating toll on its public health system.

Undoubtedly, he can make a comeback. From 2001 to date, Modi has constantly reinvented himself…

Milan Vaishnav

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Carefully crafted persona

Despite his current political problems, Modi is a highly skillful politician who is good at reinventing himself to protect his carefully crafted persona, said Milan Vaishnav, a senior fellow and director of the South Asia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

“Undoubtedly, he can make a comeback. From 2001 to date, Modi has constantly reinvented himself — from Hindu strongman to CEO prime minister. One does not necessarily know what his next avatar is. But he has stayed a step ahead of the opposition at every turn,” Vaishnav noted.

Another factor working to Modi’s advantage is India’s divided opposition, which has failed to capitalize on the prime minister’s political stumbles.

“The Congress party certainly seems to be in the doldrums at a national level,” said Sircar from the Centre for Policy Research. “The rise of ‘third parties’ in India on the national scene … is a symptom of the problem. It is unclear whether the opposition can put up much of a fight in electoral terms, whether unified or not.”

Hardline tone will remain

One thing seems clear, however. Modi is unlikely to moderate his hardline approach in the run-up to the state elections. This is evident in the current tone and tenor of the campaign so far, political analysts say.  

“The governance style Modi has adopted in Delhi has been honed after a dozen years in Gujarat and seems intrinsic to who he is as a person and a leader. Coalition-building and diffusing power are simply not compatible with his style,” Vaishav said.

What recent events in India show is that political leaders in India can be defeated, even if they are personally very popular.

Neelanjan Sircar

Centre for Policy Research

The one thing “we’ve learned from Indian politics is that political actors — whether Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi or Mamata Banerjee, rarely change their governing and organizational tactics,” said Sircar, adding the prime minister will not abandon his hardline tactics in order to limit the political damage to his image.

This is mainly because, he argued, Modi’s populist persona isn’t built on his ability to enact policy, saying his record is “poor” on that front. Rather, it stems from projecting “an image of a person in whom the population places its faith,” said Sircar.

“What recent events in India show is that political leaders in India can be defeated, even if they are personally very popular,” he added.

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Indian farmers in no mood to forgive despite Modi’s U-turn on reforms

MOHRANIYA, India, Nov 19 (Reuters) – Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have caved in to farmers’ demands that he scraps laws they say threaten their livelihoods.

But reaction to the shock U-turn in India’s rural north, where Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) faces key elections next year, has been less than positive, a worrying sign for a leader seeking to maintain his grip on national politics.

In the village of Mohraniya, some 500 km by road east of the capital New Delhi and located in India’s most populous state of Uttar Pradesh, farmer Guru Sevak Singh said that he and others like him lost faith in Modi and his party.

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“Today Prime Minister Modi realised that he was committing blunder, but it took him a year to recognise this and only because he now knows farmers will not vote for his party ever again,” said Singh.

For the young farmer, the matter is deeply personal.

Singh’s 19-year-old brother Guruvinder was killed in October when a car ploughed into a crowd protesting against the farm legislation, one of eight people who died in a spate of violence related to the farmers’ uprising.

Thousands of agricultural workers have protested outside the capital New Delhi and beyond for more than a year, shrugging off the pandemic to disrupt traffic and pile pressure on Modi and the BJP who say the new laws were key to modernising the sector.

“Today I can announce that my brother is a martyr,” Singh told Reuters, weeping as he held a picture of his dead brother.

“My brother is among those brave farmers who sacrificed their lives to prove that the government was implementing laws to destroy the agrarian economy,” he added.

Around him were several police officers, who Singh said were provided after his brother and three others were killed by the car. Ashish Mishra, son of junior home minister Ajay, is in police custody in relation to the incident.

Ajay Mishra Teni said at the time that his son was not at the site and that a car driven by “our driver” had lost control and hit the farmers after “miscreants” pelted it with stones and attacked it with sticks and swords.

‘HOW CAN WE FORGET?’

In 2020, Modi’s government passed three farm laws in a bid to overhaul the agriculture sector that employs about 60% of India’s workforce but is deeply inefficient, in debt and prone to pricing wars.

Angry farmers took to the streets, saying the reforms put their jobs at risk and handed control over crops and prices to private corporations.

The resulting protest movement became one of the country’s biggest and most protracted.

Leaders of six farmer unions who spearheaded the movement in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab states said they would not forgive a government that labelled protesting farmers as terrorists and anti-nationals.

“Farmers were beaten with sticks, rods and detained for demanding legitimate rights … farmers were mowed down by a speeding car belonging to a minister’s family … tell me how can we forget it all?” said Sudhakar Rai, a senior member of a farmers’ union in Uttar Pradesh.

Rai said at least 170 farmers were killed during anti-farm law protests across the country. There are no official data to verify his claims.

A senior BJP member who declined to be named said the decision to repeal the laws was taken by Modi after he consulted a top farmers’ association affiliated to his party.

The politician, who was at the meeting when the party agreed to back down, said those present conceded the BJP had failed to communicate the benefits of the new laws clearly enough.

Leaders of the opposition and some analysts said Modi’s move was linked to state elections next year in Uttar Pradesh – which accounts for more parliamentary seats than any other state – and Punjab.

“What cannot be achieved by democratic protests can be achieved by the fear of impending elections!” wrote P. Chidambaram, a senior figure in the opposition Congress party, on Twitter.

But farmers like Singh warned that the government could pay a price for its treatment of farmers.

“We are the backbone of the country and Modi has today accepted that his policies were against farmers,” said Singh. “I lost my brother in this mess and no one can bring him back.”

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Additional reporting and writing by Rupam Jain in Mumbai; Editing by Mike Collett-White

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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Tesla lobbies Modi’s office in India to slash taxes before it enters market-sources

FILE PHOTO: The logo of car manufacturer Tesla is seen at a branch office in Bern, Switzerland October 28, 2020. REUTERS/Arnd Wiegmann/File Photo/File Photo

NEW DELHI, Oct 20 (Reuters) – Tesla Inc (TSLA.O) has urged Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s office to slash import taxes on electric vehicles before it enters the market, four sources told Reuters, ratcheting up demands that faced objections from some Indian automakers.

Tesla wants to begin selling imported cars in India this year but says taxes in the country are among the highest in the world. Its request for tax cuts – first reported by Reuters in July – prompted objections from several local players, who say such a move would deter investment in domestic manufacturing.

Tesla executives, including its head of policy in India, Manuj Khurana, took the company’s demands to Modi’s officials last month in a closed-door meeting, arguing that the taxes were too high, four sources familiar with the discussions said.

During the meeting at Modi’s office, Tesla said that India’s duty structure would not make its business in the country a “viable proposition”, according to one of the sources.

India levies an import duty of 60% on electric vehicles that cost $40,000 or less, and 100% duty on those priced over $40,000. Analysts have said that at these rates Tesla cars would become far too costly for buyers and could limit their sales.

Tesla has separately also put in a request for a meeting between its Chief Executive Elon Musk and Modi, three of the sources said.

Modi’s office and Tesla, as well as its executive Khurana, did not respond to a request for comment.

It is not clear what Modi’s office specifically told Tesla in response, but the four sources told Reuters government officials are divided over the U.S. automaker’s demands. Some officials want the company to commit to local manufacturing before considering any import tax breaks.

Concern about the impact on the local auto industry is also weighing on the government, the sources added.

Indian companies such as Tata Motors (TAMO.NS), which recently raised $1 billion from investors including TPG to boost EV production locally, has said giving Tesla concessions would be contrary to India’s plans to boost domestic EV manufacturing.

One of the sources, who has direct knowledge of the government’s thinking, said: “If Tesla was the only EV maker, decreasing duties would have worked. But there are others.”

The transport minister said this month Tesla should not sell made-in-China cars in India and should manufacture locally instead, but Tesla has indicated it first wants to experiment with imports.

Musk said on Twitter in July that “if Tesla is able to succeed with imported vehicles, then a factory in India is quite likely.”

The Indian market for premium EVs is still in its infancy and charging infrastructure is scarce. Just 5,000 of the 2.4 million cars sold in India last year were electric.

One government official said lowering duties for a limited period to pave the way for Tesla’s entry could “boost India’s investor friendly image and green credentials” while also attracting more investments.

Reporting by Aditi Shah; editing by Philippa Fletcher

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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Modi’s Visit to Bangladesh Sets Off Violent Protests

DHAKA, Bangladesh — At least four people were killed and dozens injured in violent protests in Bangladesh on Friday, set off by the arrival of Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India to mark 50 years since Bangladesh gained independence.

The deaths occurred in the southeastern district of Chattogram, where students from a prominent Islamic school and members of an Islamist group clashed with the police, officials said.

Alauddin Talukder, a police official, told reporters that five injured people had been taken to a Chattogram hospital and that four had died during treatment.

During Mr. Modi’s two-day visit, his first abroad since the coronavirus pandemic began, he will also commemorate the centennial of the birth of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Bangladeshi independence leader whose daughter, Sheikh Hasina, is now prime minister.

Ms. Hasina, who is seen by India as a key partner in maintaining regional stability, welcomed Mr. Modi at the airport on Friday morning.

Critics in India and elsewhere have accused Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalist party of stoking religious polarization in India and discriminating against minorities, particularly Muslims. In recent weeks, demonstrators in Muslim-majority Bangladesh have urged Mr. Modi not to visit and criticized Ms. Hasina for inviting him.

Bangladeshi news outlets reported on Friday that members of an Islamist group had attacked government buildings, including a police station, in the Hathazari area of Chattogram before the clashes that led to the deaths.

Violence also broke out at the Baitul Mokarram mosque in Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital, as rival groups of demonstrators clashed. Police officers used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse the crowd, injuring scores of people, officials and witnesses said.

Protesters also set fire to offices at a railway station in the eastern district of Brahmanbaria, disrupting communications.

Outside the Baitul Mokarram mosque, hundreds of protesters had gathered by Friday afternoon. Witnesses said the clashes started after one faction of protesters began waving their shoes in a sign of contempt for Mr. Modi, and another group tried to stop them.

Local news outlets said the protesters who tried to stop the shoe-waving were aligned with Ms. Hasina’s governing Awami League party. TV broadcasts showed some protesters throwing stones at the police, who had been maintaining a heavy presence near the mosque. One channel reported that at least 40 people were injured in the clashes, including some journalists.

Abdul Mazid, a businessman, said he was trapped in the mosque after trying to flee when violence erupted during prayers. “I had a feeling that something was going to happen. I am still inside the mosque,” he said by telephone. “There is huge violence, I can see from here.”

After Mr. Modi’s arrival, Ms. Hasina told an audience in a parade square in Dhaka that Bangladesh’s relations with India had reached a new high. “If we move forward hand in hand, the development of our people is inevitable,” she said.

While Mr. Modi’s trip is mainly focused on Bangladesh’s anniversary celebrations, the visit also has political implications in India, where voting begins on Saturday in several state-level elections, including West Bengal, which borders Bangladesh.

With an eye toward galvanizing Hindu support in that battleground state, Mr. Modi is scheduled to visit a Hindu temple outside Dhaka that is sacred to the Matua community in West Bengal. The Matua sect’s vote could decide at least seven seats in a close race for control of the state assembly.

In a tweet late Thursday before his trip, Mr. Modi said the two countries shared a vital relationship.

“Our partnership with Bangladesh is an important pillar of our Neighborhood First policy, and we are committed to further deepen and diversify it. We will continue to support Bangladesh’s remarkable development journey, under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s dynamic leadership,” he said.



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India’s Response to Farmer Protests Stirs Fears of Modi’s Power

NEW DELHI — First came the accusations of foreign infiltration. Police complaints against protest leaders followed, as did arrests of protesters and journalists. Then the government blocked internet access in places where demonstrators gathered.

As India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, struggles to quell months of protests by farmers against new market-friendly agriculture laws, critics and analysts see a pattern of curtailing free speech that they fear is sending India down a dangerous path of intolerance.

In its response to other contentious policies — including citizenship laws that disadvantaged Muslims, its clampdown on the disputed Kashmir region and the farmers’ protests — Mr. Modi’s government has resorted to arrests, stifling of dissenting voices, and blocking of the internet. Groups that track internet freedom say India’s is slipping.

While some of the tactics are not new in India’s recent history, many fear Mr. Modi is taking them to new heights.

Gyan Prakash, a professor of history at Princeton University, said the closest parallel was in the 1970s, during the period that in India is called emergency rule. The prime minister at the time, Indira Gandhi, curbed civil liberties, imprisoned political opponents, and shut down the news media.

“But the B.J.P. onslaught is also very different and even more damaging to whatever remains of democracy in India,” he said, referring to Mr. Modi’s governing Bharatiya Janata Party.

He cited what he called a creeping dismantling of the pillars of democracy under Mr. Modi, from the coercion and control of the mainstream media to influencing of the courts.

“Critics often call it an ‘undeclared emergency,’” said Mr. Prakash, who has written a book about the emergency rule era. “It is much worse and more damaging in the long term, because the arrests and the denial of bail to detainees is an assault on whatever remains of the institutions of the rule of law.”

The efforts have drawn growing international condemnation, from human rights groups and internet personalities alike. A tweet by the pop star Rihanna in support of the farmers dominated Indian social media on Wednesday, prompting a response from pro-Modi entertainers in India urging unity and denouncing outsider voices as trying to divide the country.

The foreign ministry released a rare statement that addressed the tweets without naming anyone specifically.

“We would like to emphasize that these protests must be seen in the context of India’s democratic ethos and polity,” the ministry said. “The temptation of sensationalist social media hashtags and comments, especially when resorted to by celebrities and others, is neither accurate nor responsible.”

As the government and its most devoted supporters grow increasingly watchful, people across the country are becoming more cautious about what they say.

On television channels, critics choose their words carefully to avoid making an offensive statement. A stand-up comedian remains in jail, denied bail, for a joke the police have yet to prove he made. Journalists and opposition politicians have been taken to court because of tweets that the authorities label “misleading,” or for reporting accounts that challenged the government’s version of events.

In Uttarakhand, a state run by Mr. Modi’s party, the police chief said that his forces would be watching social media posts for “anti-national” posts and that passport applications could be denied to anyone who had posted such content.

In the state of Bihar, which is led by a Modi ally, the police said applicants would be barred from government jobs if they were found to have participated “in any law and order situation, protests, road jams etc.”

The showdown between the government and the farmers, who had peacefully camped out at the borders of New Delhi for two months demanding the laws be repealed, turned chaotic and violent last week, during a tractor procession into the city by farmers. At least one person died in what police said was a tractor accident. Hundreds of police officers and farmers were wounded.

While the farmers claimed the violence was part of a government conspiracy to derail their movement, officials quickly used it as evidence that the protest needed to be dismantled. Dozens of police complaints were lodged against the farm leaders. Some journalists at the scene were arrested, while others were dragged to court on charges of “misleading” tweets for reporting protesters’ claims that the man who died was shot by the police.

Since then, the police have erected barricades and barbed wire and even planted spikes in concrete to prevent movements toward New Delhi. The government has intermittently cut off electricity and water to one of the camps, before cutting off internet at all three, and restricted journalists’ access to them.

This week, Twitter temporarily suspended dozens of accounts related to the farmers’ protest, including the account of The Caravan, a narrative reporting magazine that has been closely covering the demonstrations. A freelance journalist writing for The Caravan was also arrested, the magazine said.

Twitter confirmed that it had suspended the accounts because of “a valid legal request” from the Indian government. It subsequently reinstated the accounts, it said, after informing the government that it considered the contents to be acceptable free speech.

“This kind of barricading — this is not the Pakistani border,” said Mahender Singh Dhanger, 65, a protesting farmer at the Ghazipur protest site, referring to the heavily fortified border with India’s nemesis.

Gopal Krishna Agarwal, a spokesman for the B.J.P., said the decision to restrict the internet and erect the barricades was a “police administrative move.” The party has said opposition politicians had criticized the force over its soft handling of the chaos during the tractor procession.

“It is more than 70 days,” he said. “If you look to the historical ways other countries and government have been dealing with protests, you will see the marked difference.”

The protesters “crossed all limits” on Jan. 26, Mr. Agarwal added, “but still the prime minister has said he is ready to talk to the farmers anytime, anywhere.”

Some protesting farmers believe the government’s stronger hand may work against it.

The violence during the Jan. 26 tractor march raised questions about the future of the protest movement. But the farmers appeared to be galvanized by the efforts last week to arrest Rakesh Tikait, a protest leader whom police have accused of being involved in the violence.

As the security forces surrounded the Ghazipur protest site that night, Mr. Tikait cried on the stage and threatened to hang himself rather than go to jail. His emotional outburst was widely shared on social media, drawing more supporters from the villages who began pouring in over a matter of hours. Protester numbers appear to have grown despite the internet cuts.

If past protests are an indication, those punished by the police could have a long ordeal ahead of them.

After protests in Kashmir in 2019, many of the political leaders in the region, who had long supported the Indian state, remained under house arrest for months. Twenty-one protesters and activists who campaigned against the citizenship law in New Delhi are still held, a year later, under a stringent law called the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. They have been repeatedly denied bail, except for a pregnant woman who was granted bail on humanitarian grounds.

Mahavir Narwal, the father of Natasha Narwal, a doctoral student and activist arrested in last year on accusations of rioting, said her trial had been delayed repeatedly, with the police telling the court that they were gathering more evidence. He said the use of the draconian law and the delay of trials was a tactic to drive fear into anyone thinking of protesting.

“If you are arrested under these charges,” Mr. Narwal said of the unlawful activities act, “the bail is almost impossible.”

Mujib Mashal reported from New Delhi and Sameer Yasir from Srinagar, Kashmir. Reporting was contributed by Hari Kumar in Ghazipur, India, and Adam Satariano in London.

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