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California Fast Food Wages Would Be Set by Government Under Bill Passed by State Legislature

California’s Legislature passed a bill Monday to create a government panel that would set wages for an estimated half-million fast food workers in the state, a first-in-the-U.S. approach to workplace regulation that labor union backers hope will spread nationally.

The bill, known as the Fast Act, would establish a panel with members appointed by the governor and legislative leaders composed of workers, union representatives, employers and business advocates. They would set hourly wages of up to $22 for fast food workers starting next year and can increase them annually by the same rate as the consumer-price index, up to a maximum of 3.5%.

A previous version of the bill passed by the state Assembly in January also allowed the council to oversee workplace conditions such as scheduling and made restaurant chains joint employers of their franchise’s employers, potentially opening them to liability for labor violations.

Representatives for companies including

McDonald’s Corp.

,

Yum Brands Inc.

and

Chipotle Mexican Grill Inc.

succeeded in having those provisions removed in the state Senate via amendments over the past week, though they still oppose the bill.

“This is the biggest lobbying fight that the franchise sector has ever been in,” said

Matthew Haller,

president of the International Franchise Association, a trade group whose members own many fast food restaurants.

A University of California, Riverside School of Business study commissioned by the franchisee association found that setting minimum wages between $22 and $43 would generate a 60% increase in labor costs and raise fast-food prices by about 20%.

California’s current minimum wage is $15 and is set to increase by 50 cents on Jan. 1.

The final version of the Fast Act passed both houses of the Democratic-controlled state Legislature on Monday. In both the Assembly and the Senate, all of the “yes” votes came from Democrats and every Republican who voted opposed the bill.

Democratic Gov.

Gavin Newsom

now has until Sept. 30 to decide whether to sign or veto the bill.

Mr. Newsom hasn’t taken a public stance on the current version of the bill, but his Department of Finance opposed the original version.

Labor unions backing the measure have long struggled to organize fast food workers, in part because the industry’s franchise model means there are so many different employers.

California lawmakers first floated the bill last year, with proponents arguing that tighter regulations were needed to protect fast food workers, who are overwhelmingly Black or Latino and who they say experience unpaid overtime and other labor violations.

The average U.S. home earned more last year than the average American worker. Prices for homes, groceries and gas are rising faster than Americans’ wages and that may be why sentiment and confidence have been so low recently. WSJ’s Dion Rabouin explains. Photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Despite the recent changes, proponents said the bill is still a significant step forward. Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, a former Democratic legislator who introduced the bill when she was in the Assembly, said it moves California closer to a labor model used in Europe where unions negotiate for wages and work conditions in an entire sector, rather than company-by-company.

“It’s still a big bold idea. And just the notion of giving workers a voice at the table will be fundamentally different for those workers,” said Ms. Gonzalez Fletcher, who now leads the California Labor Federation, the state’s largest union umbrella group.

The recent amendments call for the council to shut down in 2028 unless it is renewed, though inflation-adjusted wage increases for workers would continue.

The bill covers fast food restaurants that are part of a chain, that have limited or no table service and where customers order their food and pay before eating. The chain must have 100 or more locations nationally, up from 30 in a previous bill version.

California accounts for around 14% of total U.S. restaurant sales, and policy in the state tends to affect the rest of the sector, Citigroup Global Markets Inc. analysts wrote in a client note earlier this month.

Service Employees International Union President

Mary Kay Henry

said she hoped the bill would be a catalyst for similar movements across the country.

Investors have begun to ask about the act’s potential implications for restaurant chains at a time when companies are struggling with high food and labor costs, Wall Street analysts said.

“Obviously, we think it’s problematic on many, many fronts,” said

Paul Brown,

chief executive of Dunkin’ and Arby’s owner Inspire Brands Inc., in an interview. “I think it’s actually trying to solve a problem that doesn’t exist.”

Chipotle, Yum Brands, Chick-fil-A Inc., In-N-Out Burgers,

Jack in the Box Inc.,

and Burger King parent

Restaurant Brands International Inc.

have together spent more than $1 million to lobby lawmakers between 2021 and June 30 of this year, primarily on the Fast Act, state records show.

The International Franchise Association, which represents some 1,200 franchise brands, has spent $615,000 lobbying against the Fast Act and other legislation in that time.

Disclosures for lobbying spending since July 1 aren’t due until later this year, but industry advocacy against the bill has ramped up considerably during that time, people familiar with the effort said.

Labor unions have collectively spent more than $5 million to lobby the Legislature since the beginning of 2021, mostly on the Fast Act, state records show.

McDonald’s has encouraged franchisees around the country to email California lawmakers urging them to vote against the bill, according to a message viewed by The Wall Street Journal.

State Sen. Shannon Grove, a Republican, said on the Senate floor Monday that McDonald’s representatives told her that if the Fast Act becomes law, the company could stop expanding in California or leave altogether.

“Could we really survive without the golden arches?” Ms. Grove said.

Write to Heather Haddon at heather.haddon@wsj.com and Christine Mai-Duc at christine.maiduc@wsj.com

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McDonald’s (MCD) Q2 2022 earnings

A sign is posted in front of a McDonald’s restaurant on April 28, 2022 in San Leandro, California.

Justin Sullivan | Getty Images

McDonald’s on Tuesday said both higher prices and value items fueled U.S. same-store sales growth, which was higher than expected during its second quarter.

However, CEO Chris Kempczinski said the environment is still “challenging” as inflation and the war in Ukraine weighed on its quarterly results.

Shares of the company were roughly flat in premarket trading.

Here’s what the company reported compared with what Wall Street was expecting, based on a survey of analysts by Refinitiv:

  • Earnings per share: $2.55 adjusted 
  • Revenue: $5.72 billion vs. $5.81 billion expected

McDonald’s reported second-quarter net income of $1.19 billion, or $1.60 per share, down from $2.22 billion, or $2.95 per share, a year earlier. The company reported a $1.2 billion charge related to the sale of its Russian business due to the war in Ukraine.

Excluding that charge, a French tax settlement and other items, the fast-food giant earned $2.55 cents per share. Wall Street was expected the company to report earnings per share of $2.47, according to Refinitiv estimates. It is unclear if those numbers are comparable.

Net sales fell 3% to $5.72 billion, hurt in part by the closure of McDonald’s Russian and Ukrainian restaurants.

Global same-store sales rose 9.7% in the quarter, fueled by strong international growth. Russian locations were excluded from the company’s same-store sales calculations, but Ukrainian restaurants were included.

U.S. same-store sales increased 3.7% in the quarter, topping StreetAccount estimates of 2.8%. The company credited strategic price hikes and its value offerings for its strong performance. Last quarter, McDonald’s executives said some low-income consumers were trading down to cheaper options in response to inflation.

The company’s international developmental licensed markets division saw its same-store sales climb 16% in the quarter. Same-store sales shrank in China as the government reimposed Covid restrictions, but growth in Brazil and Japan more than offset the market’s weak performance.

McDonald’s international operated markets segment reported same-store sales growth of 13%, fueled by strong demand in France and Germany.

Read the full earnings report here.

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Business Losses From Russia Top $59 Billion as Sanctions Hit

Global companies have racked up more than $59 billion in losses from their Russian operations, with more financial pain to come as sanctions hit the economy and sales and shutdowns continue, according to a review of public statements and securities filings.

Almost 1,000 Western businesses have pledged to exit or cut back operations in Russia, following its invasion of Ukraine, according to Yale researchers.

Many are reassessing the reported value of those Russian businesses, as a weakening local economy and a lack of willing buyers render once-valuable assets worthless. Companies under U.S. and international reporting standards have to take impairment charges, or write-downs, when the value of an asset declines.

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The write-downs to date span a range of industries, from banks and brewers to manufacturers, retailers, restaurants and shipping companies—even a wind-turbine maker and a forestry firm. The fast-food giant

McDonald’s Corp.

expects to record an accounting charge of $1.2 billion to $1.4 billion after agreeing to sell its Russian restaurants to a local licensee;

Exxon Mobil Corp.

took a $3.4 billion charge after halting operations at an oil and gas project in Russia’s Far East; Budweiser brewer

Anheuser-Busch InBev SA

took a $1.1 billion charge after deciding to sell its stake in a Russian joint venture.

“This round of impairments is not the end of it,” said Carla Nunes, a managing director at the risk-consulting firm Kroll LLC. “As the crisis continues, we could see more financial fallout, including indirect impact from the conflict.”

The financial fallout of the conflict isn’t significant for most multinationals, in part because of the relatively small size of the Russian economy. Fewer than 50 companies account for most of the $59 billion tally. Even for those, the Russian losses are typically a relatively small part of their overall finances. McDonald’s, for example, said its Russia and Ukraine businesses represented less than 3% of its operating income last year.

Some companies are writing off assets stranded in Russia. The Irish aircraft leasing company

AerCap Holdings

NV last month took an accounting charge of $2.7 billion, which included writing off the value of more than 100 of its planes that are stuck in the country. The aircraft were leased to Russian airlines. Other leasing companies are taking similar hits.

Other businesses are assuming that they will realize no money from their Russian operations, even before they have finalized exit plans. The British oil major

BP

PLC’s $25.5 billion accounting charge on its Russian holdings last month included writing off $13.5 billion of shares in the oil producer

Rosneft.

The company hasn’t said how or when it plans to divest its Russian assets.

BP’s $25.5 billion accounting charge on its Russian holdings include writing off $13.5 billion of shares in oil producer Rosneft.



Photo:

Yuri Kochetkov/EPA/Shutterstock

Even some companies that are retaining a presence in Russia are writing down assets. The French energy giant

TotalEnergies

SE took a $4.1 billion charge in April on the value of its natural-gas reserves, citing the impact of Western sanctions targeting Russia.

The Securities and Exchange Commission last month told companies that they have to disclose Russian-related losses clearly, and that they shouldn’t adjust revenue to add back the estimated income that has been lost because of Russia.

Bank of New York Mellon Corp.

, which in March said it had stopped new banking business in Russia, appeared to breach this guidance when it reported its results for the first three months of this year. The New York custody bank in April reported $4 billion in revenue under one measure that included $88 million added to reflect income lost because of Russia.

A BNY Mellon spokesman declined to comment.

Investors appear to have mixed reactions to the write-downs, partly because most multinationals have relatively small Russian exposure, academic research suggests.

Financial markets are “rewarding companies for leaving Russia,” a recent study by Yale School of Management found. The share-price gains for companies pulling out have “far surpassed the cost of one-time impairments for companies that have written down the value of their Russian assets,” the researchers concluded.

Bank of New York Mellon said earlier this year that it had stopped new banking business in Russia.



Photo:

Gabriela Bhaskar/Bloomberg News

Research using a different methodology found a more subtle investor reaction. Analysis by Indiana University professor Vivek Astvansh and his co-authors of the short-term market impact of more than 200 corporate announcements revealed a marked trans-Atlantic divide. Investors punished U.S. companies for pulling out of Russia, and non-American companies for not withdrawing, the analysis found.

More write-downs and other Russia-related accounting charges are expected in the coming months, as companies complete their planned departures from the country.

British American Tobacco

PLC, whose brands include Rothmans and Lucky Strike, said on March 11 it had “initiated the process to rapidly transfer our Russian business.” That transfer is still ongoing, according to a BAT spokeswoman. BAT hasn’t taken an impairment in relation to the business.

Accounting specialist

Jack Ciesielski

said companies might hold off announcing a write-down until they have a good handle on how big the loss will be.

“You don’t want to put a number out there until you’re confident that it’s not likely to change,” said Mr. Ciesielski, owner of investment research firm R.G. Associates Inc.

The ruble’s recovery is helping Russia prop up its economy and continue its Ukraine war effort. WSJ’s Dion Rabouin explains how Russia boosted its ailing currency and how it is affecting the global economy. Illustration: Ryan Trefes

Many companies are giving investors rough estimates about what to expect on Russia-related losses.

The manufacturer

ITT Inc.,

which has suspended its operations in Russia, said last month it expects a $60 million to $85 million hit to revenue this year because of a “significant reduction in sales” in the country. That is a small slice of the $2.8 billion in total revenue for the maker of specialty components for the auto, aerospace and energy industries.

As sanctions weaken the Russian economy, businesses still operating there are reassessing their future earnings and booking losses. Ride-sharing giant

Uber Technologies Inc.

in May took a $182 million impairment on the value of its stake in a Russian taxi joint-venture because of forecasts of a protracted recession in the Russian economy. Uber said in February it was looking for opportunities to accelerate its planned sale of the stake.

Write to Jean Eaglesham at jean.eaglesham@wsj.com

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