Tag Archives: kingpin

‘The Continental’ Trailer: ‘John Wick’ Prequel Series Pits a Young Winston Against Mel Gibson’s Kingpin – Variety

  1. ‘The Continental’ Trailer: ‘John Wick’ Prequel Series Pits a Young Winston Against Mel Gibson’s Kingpin Variety
  2. Go Back in Time to the Early Days of ‘The Continental’ in New Teaser Collider
  3. Mel Gibson Joins the John Wick Universe in Action-Packed Trailer for Prequel Series ‘The Continental’ PEOPLE
  4. ‘The Continental’ Trailer: Colin Woodell Kills in ‘John Wick’ Prequel – IndieWire IndieWire
  5. ‘The Continental’: Colin Woodell’s Winston Scott Dives Into The Criminal Underbelly Of New York City In Trailer For Peacock Series Deadline
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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TDI Towing Philadelphia PA: Multi-million dollar catalytic converter theft ring busted, kingpin Michael Williams among 11 charged – WLS-TV

  1. TDI Towing Philadelphia PA: Multi-million dollar catalytic converter theft ring busted, kingpin Michael Williams among 11 charged WLS-TV
  2. Towing company charged in multi-million dollar catalytic converter theft ring 6abc Philadelphia
  3. Bucks County DA announces bust of $8.2 million catalytic converter theft ring The Philadelphia Inquirer
  4. DA: Multimillion-dollar enterprise specialized in theft of catalytic converters in Bucks, Montgomery; 11 charged 69News WFMZ-TV
  5. Catalytic converter theft ring at TDI Towing in Philadelphia busted: DA CBS Philly
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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She-Hulk’s Comic-Con trailer spoils a cameo with a better cameo

She-Hulk: Attorney At Law
Photo: Disney+, Marvel Studios

Marvel Studios spent a good chunk of its time at San Diego Comic-Con talking about Daredevil, what with Charlie Cox’s version of The Man Without Fear getting his (second) solo show in Disney+’s Daredevil: Born Again and Cox benefitting from the MCU hitting the retcon button haaaarrrrrd in a new animated series called Spider-Man: Freshman Year (where we will apparently find out that young Spidey met not only Cox’s Hornhead but new versions of Norman Osborn and Henry Osborn, plus Amadeus Cho and Nico Minoru, before the events of Captain America: Civil War).

But those aren’t the only places where Daredevil popped up this weekend: He also made a quick cameo in the new trailer for Disney+’s She-Hulk: Attorney At Law series, flipping into frame right at the end and wearing what appears to be a new costume inspired by his original black-and-yellow outfit from the comics (arguably his worst one, to be honest). The trailer cuts away before you see his face, so this could be some kind of cruel fake-out (get hyped, singular fan of D-Man!), but who else carries billy clubs and does flips like that?

Official Trailer | She-Hulk: Attorney at Law | Disney+

Anyway, the rest of the trailer leans hard into comedy, just like the first one did, with Tatiana Maslany’s Jennifer Walters bantering with her cousin Bruce Banner (Mark Ruffalo) as he trains her in the ways of the Hulk and then getting into some fish-out-of-water hijinks when she returns to New York to start a new life as a giant, green attorney. That’s where she meets various superhero-adjacent characters, like Tim Roth’s Abomination (who was in the last trailer), Benedict Wong’s Wong (from Doctor Strange!), and a group of goons who appear to be classic Marvel villains The Wrecking Crew.

That’s all fun! And the implied existence of sex in the first trailer is even more implied here! Wow! But then Daredevil shows up and that’s all we want to talk and think about. Will She-Hulk and Daredevil get to have a courtroom scene? Will this show acknowledge any events from the Netflix Daredevil show? Will we get to see an appearance from Daredevil’s incorrigible twin brother Mike Murdock (who is definitely a real person and not Matt Murdock in a hat)?

We’ll find out on August 17 when She-Hulk: Attorney At Law premieres on Disney+.

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Mexico’s capture of drug kingpin could be signal to US

MEXICO CITY (AP) — The United States’ motivation to find infamous drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero was never in doubt — hence the $20 million reward for information leading to his capture — there was less certainty about the commitment of Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who had made clear his lack of interest in pursuing drug lords.

Yet on Friday, three days after López Obrador and U.S. President Joe Biden met in the White House, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration’s most wanted target was in Mexican custody.

The man allegedly responsible for the murder of a DEA agent more than three decades ago was rousted from the undergrowth by a bloodhound as Mexican marines closed in deep in the mountains of his native state of Sinaloa.

The arrest came at a heavy cost: Fourteen Mexican marines died and another was injured when a navy Blackhawk helicopter crashed during the operation. The navy said it appeared to have been an accident, with the cause under investigation.

Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office said in a statement late Friday that Caro Quintero was arrested for extradition to the U.S. and would be held at the maximum security Altiplano prison about 50 miles west of Mexico City.

DEA Administrator Anne Milgram celebrated the capture of a man especially despised by U.S. officials for the torture and murder of DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena in 1985. “Our incredible DEA team in Mexico worked in partnership with Mexican authorities to capture and arrest Rafael Caro Quintero”, she said in a message to the agency late Friday. “Today’s arrest is the result of years of your blood, sweat, and tears.”

Cooperation between the DEA and Mexico’s marines had led to some of the highest-profile captures during previous administrations, but not under López Obrador, noted security analyst David Saucedo.

“It seems to me that in the private talks between President Joe Biden and Andrés Manuel (López Obrador) they surely agreed to turning over high-profile drug traffickers again, which had been suspended,” Saucedo said.

Both presidents face domestic pressure to do more against drug traffickers. With Caro Quintero’s arrest, “Narcos are being captured again and I believe that clearly it was what was in fact needed,” Saucedo said.

U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ken Salazar said in a statement Saturday that no U.S. personnel participated directly in the tactical operation that led to the capture of the drug lord. “The apprehension of Caro Quintero was exclusively conducted by the Mexican government.”

Samuel González, who founded the organized crime office in Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office and now is a security analyst, said the capture may not have a major effect on the map of organized crime in Mexico, as Caro Quintero was not as powerful as decades ago, and it might even generate more violence in territories such as Sonora, at the US border.

But he said that to López Obrador’s benefit, the arrest “shows evidence that there’s no protection of capos” by his administration.

González believes Caro Quintero has long been a thorn in the bilateral relationship, but said that “without doubt” his capture was fruit of the recent negotiations in Washington.

“The Americans never stopped pressing for his arrest,” González said.

U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland and Salazar expressed gratitude for Mexico’s capture of the man blamed for killing Camarena — a case that brought a low point in U.S.-Mexico relations.

“This achievement is a testament to Mexico’s determination to bring to justice someone who terrorized and destabilized Mexico during his time in the Guadalajara Cartel; and is implicated in the kidnapping, torture and murder of DEA agent Kiki Camarena,” Salazar said in a statement late Friday.

Garland said the U.S. government would seek his immediate extradition.

“My hope is that with the capture of Caro Quintero, that that will mend a lot of tensions between the DEA and Mexico”, said Mike Vigil, the DEA’s former chief of international operations.

Mexico’s navy and Attorney’s General Office led the operation deep in the mountains that straddle the border between Sinaloa and Chihuahua states, many miles from any paved road. They found Caro Quintero, with help of “Max,” hiding in brush in a place in Sinaloa called San Simon.

López Obrador said that the helicopter that crashed in the coastal city of Los Mochis had been supporting the operation against Caro Quintero. U.S. officials expressed condolences for the marines who died.

Caro Quintero came from Badiraguato, Sinaloa, the same township as Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman, the former leader of the Sinaloa cartel, which formed later. Caro Quintero was one of the founders of the Guadalajara cartel and according to the DEA was one of the primary suppliers of heroin, cocaine and marijuana to the United States in the late 1970s and 1980s.

Caro Quintero had blamed Camarena for a raid on a huge marijuana plantation in 1984. The next year, Camarena was kidnapped in Guadalajara, allegedly on orders from Caro Quintero. His tortured body was found a month later.

Caro Quintero was captured in Costa Rica in 1985 and was serving a 40-year sentence in Mexico when an appeals court overturned his verdict in 2013. The Supreme Court upheld the sentence, but it was too late — Caro Quintero had been spirited off in a waiting vehicle.

Caro Quintero was added to FBI’s 10 most wanted list in 2018 with a $20 million reward for his capture.

López Obrador had previously seemed ambivalent about his case.

Last year, the president said the legal appeal that led to Caro Quintero’s release was “justified” because supposedly no verdict had been handed down against the drug lord after 27 years in jail. López Obrador also depicted a later warrant for his re-arrest as an example of U.S. pressure.

“Once he was out, they had to look for him again, because the United States demanded he shouldn’t have been released, but legally the appeal was justified,” López Obrador said.

Presidential spokesman Jesús Ramírez said at the time, “The president was just saying that it was a legal aberration that the judge had not issued a verdict on Mr. Caro Quintero after 27 years … but he was not defending his release.”

Mexican reporter Anabel Hernandez twice interviewed the fugitive Caro Quintero in the mountains of northern Mexico without revealing the location. Caro Quintero claimed in those interviews that he was no longer involved in the drug trade.

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Vincent D’Onofrio Called Charlie Cox After Kingpin Return – The Hollywood Reporter

[The following interview contains spoilers for Hawkeye’s finale and Spider-Man: No Way Home.]

On Wednesday, Christmas came early for fans of the Marvel Netflix series Daredevil as Vincent D’Onofrio’s Wilson “Kingpin” Fisk made his long-awaited MCU debut on Hawkeye. Fisk’s appearance has been teased the entire season, culminating in a photographic cliffhanger on last week’s episode. Oddly enough, just 24 hours later, D’Onofrio’s counterpart on Daredevil, Charlie Cox (Matt “Daredevil” Murdock), made his own grand entrance into the Marvel Cinematic Universe by way of Spider-Man: No Way Home. Earlier this month, Marvel Studios president Kevin Feige said that Cox would reprise his role as Murdock at some point.

“As soon as Kevin revealed the fact that Charlie was going to participate, Charlie called me immediately and we had a huge conversation about it, which didn’t include anything about Hawkeye,” D’Onofrio tells The Hollywood Reporter. “But when they showed the phone shot of Kingpin in [last week’s] episode of Hawkeye, I immediately called Charlie and we had another two-hour conversation. So we are friends and we do talk about this stuff, but we do it very carefully and in an appropriate way.”

D’Onofrio is also making it clear that he treated Hawkeye‘s Fisk as the same character from Daredevil. And even though the character appeared to meet his end at the hand of Maya “Echo” Lopez (Alaqua Cox), there’s comic book precedent for Kingpin surviving their violent encounter. D’Onofrio has since added that he wants to keep playing this role and talks as if there’s a future ahead of him.

“In Hawkeye, the thing that will continue to ground him is that he’s based in an emotional foundation,” D’Onofrio says. “That’s what I think is the key to my portrayal of Fisk. You can do anything you want with him, but his inner self is that of a child and a monster.”

In a recent chat with THR, D’Onofrio also discusses the impact of the blip on Fisk’s empire.

Congratulations on your second bite of the apple.

Thanks, dude!

So how long have you kept this card close to your vest?

Kevin [Feige] called me earlier this year. Very early in the year.

Last week, you and Charlie Cox debuted in the MCU proper on back-to-back days, which is quite poetic. Have the two of you exchanged any messages about this yet?

Yeah, well, Charlie and I are friends, but we don’t really talk about Marvel stuff together because we know about all of the complications with reveals and stuff like that and what we’re contracted to say and not say. But as soon as Kevin revealed the fact that Charlie was going to participate, Charlie called me immediately and we had a huge conversation about it, which didn’t include anything about Hawkeye. But when they showed the phone shot of Kingpin in [last week’s] episode of Hawkeye, I immediately called Charlie and we had another two-hour conversation. (Laughs.) So we are friends and we do talk about this stuff, but we do it very carefully and in an appropriate way.

So the common question is whether you’re playing a new Fisk or the same Fisk, but in my mind, you can put the character on a new trajectory without erasing what the fans love about the past. You can vaguely reference that past whenever it’s necessary. So how did you play him in this regard?

Well, that’s a very intelligent thing you just said because it’s spot-on. That’s the way we approached it — or the way I definitely approached it. Story-wise, the blip has happened. Kingpin has lost his city a bit, not completely, but he’s lost some of his kingdom. And in Hawkeye, the idea was that he wants his city back. He considers it his. So as the actor playing the character, I approached it exactly the same way I developed the character that I portrayed on Daredevil. He has the same emotional life. Everything that he does, everything that he says, every confrontation that he has, every emotion that he shows, comes through the events and the pain of his childhood. So that’s still Fisk, to me. He’s a bit physically stronger than he was. He has more strength and he can take a lot more physical abuse. But in Hawkeye, the thing that will continue to ground him is that he’s based in an emotional foundation. That’s what I think is the key to my portrayal of Fisk. You can do anything you want with him, but his inner self is that of a child and a monster.

Well, congratulations once again and please give my best to Vanessa [Wilson Fisk’s wife].

(Laughs.) I will!

***
Hawkeye is now streaming on Disney+.



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Demise of a kingpin, rise of an empire: How the fall of a US-based heroin syndicate in the 1990s laid the foundation for a multibillion-dollar Asian methamphetamine cartel

With his black hair parted down the middle and modest fashion sense, Tse Chi Lop didn’t look like the head of a multinational operation that had flooded the streets of New York with heroin before his arrest on August 12, 1998.

And, as he sat in a spartan interrogation room in Hong Kong, he didn’t really behave like one, either.

Suspects usually reacted in one of two ways to arrest, the now-retired agent told CNN from his home in New Jersey. Combative types embraced the machismo that helped them navigate the cutthroat world of drug dealing. Cooperative ones worried that not talking meant longer prison time.

Tse didn’t do either. He was calm, friendly and strategically tight-lipped — even when Calnan told him the United States would be requesting his extradition.

Tse just smiled.

“He was impressive,” said Calnan. “He was different.”

By the end of that year, Tse was in New York, where he pleaded guilty to a single charge of conspiracy to import heroin into the US and was sentenced to nine years in prison. But if the authorities that put Tse behind bars were hoping he’d emerge from prison a changed man, it seems they were wrong.

Two decades later, Tse had allegedly become the head of a methamphetamine cartel earning an estimated $17 billion a year. Long since out of prison, he was reportedly living a lavish lifestyle built on the drug empire he purportedly operated with relative anonymity until his existence was revealed in a news report in 2019.

Then in January this year, Tse was arrested at Amsterdam’s Schipol International Airport at the behest of Australian Federal Police (AFP), which had led a sprawling, decade-long investigation into his organization.

The man who once calmly sat opposite Calnan is now accused of being the mastermind behind the Sam Gor syndicate, arguably the biggest drug-trafficking operation in Asia’s history. Australian authorities are seeking Tse’s extradition on methamphetamine trafficking charges.
Tse, through his lawyer, declined to speak to CNN for this story. During an extradition hearing in June, he told a Dutch judge he was innocent of the charges.

As prosecutors prepare their case against Tse, CNN has investigated his early years, to better understand the man Australian authorities claim is one of the most-successful meth masterminds of the 21st century.

This is the story of Tse’s first syndicate: how it thrived in American prisons; how police from around the world tore it apart; and how, from its ashes, this seemingly unassuming man from southern China was, allegedly, able to lay the groundwork for a multibillion-dollar drug empire from a prison in the foothills of the Appalachian Mountains.

The FBI investigation that led to Tse’s arrest in Hong Kong began on a street corner in the Bronx, about 20 years after the US government launched its war on drugs under President Richard Nixon.

To end what Republicans called in 1980 a “murderous epidemic of drug abuse” sweeping the country, the government had invested heavily in anti-drug policing and passed laws that toughened sentences for drug offenders.

But the tough mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes and investments in policing were not having the desired effect.

By 1992, heroin in the US was getting cheaper and purer, according to a White House report at the time, and most of it was coming from Southeast Asia. That heroin was among the purest found in the US, the report said, and easy to overdose on from small amounts. The consequences were dire, especially in New York City, which was home to most of America’s heroin addicts. Thousands of people were sent to emergency rooms each year after using the drug. Hundreds were dying.

That year, Calnan got a tip from a colleague about drugs being sold in the Bronx, on the corner of 183rd and Walton, and it would change his career. At the time, he was working for the FBI in New York, as a member of the Criminal Squad 25. C-25, as it was known, was tasked with tackling the growing problem of organized crime involving Asians and Asian-Americans — especially those dealing the heroin from Southeast Asia that was flooding into the US.

As Calnan and his team began to surveil the street corner, a few miles from Yankee Stadium, and identify suspects and tap phones, one name kept coming up: Sonny.

The problem was there were at least two suspects named Sonny. There was Sonny from New Jersey and Sonny from Leavenworth, the US penitentiary in Kansas. One was Sonny on the outside and — to their surprise — the other was Sonny on the inside.

Sonny on the outside, they learned, was a Malaysian heroin dealer living in New Jersey. Sonny on the inside was the boss, and he had figured out how to run a heroin business from a federal prison.

Yim Ling didn’t hear the assailants quietly enter her home in Kingston, New York, on a warm autumn day in 1983. She was in her bedroom, changing to go to work at her family’s Chinese tea house, when someone grabbed her from behind.

She fought back, but one of her kidnappers allegedly covered her mouth with a chemical substance, likely chloroform, according to an account from a local police officer assigned to the case.

The government believes Yim was accidentally killed in the initial struggle, though her captors never mentioned that when extorting her husband for nearly $200,000 in ransom. Yim’s body was never found.

Authorities charged several people for the abduction, including Yong Bing Gong, then a 23-year-old former employee at Yim’s family tea house. Gong was sentenced to life in prison, where he became Sonny on the inside: the supplier for the heroin dealers on the New York street corner Calnan was monitoring.

Gong was cutting drug deals in the very place meant to punish people for dealing drugs.

Gong spoke to CNN through phone calls, letters and emails, though he declined to discuss specifics about his conviction on heroin trafficking charges, which were handed down while he was in prison. Gong hoped that sharing parts of his story would bring attention to what he feels are his unfairly long sentences. He was handed another 27 years in prison for heroin trafficking in addition to his first life sentence. After nearly 40 years behind bars, Gong believes he has paid his debt to society and should not be “left to rot and die, forgotten and forsaken by everyone I know.”

“I know I am not an angel, but I am still a human being,” Gong said.

Born in 1960 in Malaysia, Gong turned to a life of crime at a young age. His father owned a timber company in Indonesia and was often away, and his mother had six children — too many to focus on controlling her wayward son.

That left Gong, as he put it, to “run the streets.”

He joined a gang at 12 years old and eventually became a lieutenant. By 20 he was in a Malaysian jail, serving a two-year sentence after several run-ins with the law. Following his release in 1982, he went to the US.

Within about a year, he was in prison for Yim’s abduction.

At first, Gong found incarceration to be “mostly boredom and drudgery.” He needed something to spice up his day-to-day existence. So, after an introduction from another inmate, he turned to heroin dealing.

Flamboyant, talkative and somewhat brash, Gong was a born networker, and there was no better place to meet new clients than in prison. Gong would cut deals with other inmates, then coordinate with his contacts on the outside to sell the heroin over the prison phone system. Everyone spoke in code because the inmates’ calls are always recorded, though not always monitored.

Calnan’s investigation revealed that Gong was Sonny on the inside, supplying heroin to a Puerto Rican gang on the corner of 183rd and Walton Avenue in the Bronx. He was also Sonny from Leavenworth, which referred to the Federal Penitentiary in Leavenworth, Kansas, one of the oldest federal prisons in the US. It is one of several facilities that has held Gong since his sentencing in 1983.

Calnan’s team subpoenaed the prison tapes and cracked Gong’s code, which wasn’t terribly complex — sometimes it just meant referring to heroin as “menus” and dealers as “Chinese restaurants.” C-25 now had a major case on its hands, and like any major case, it needed a name.

They chose Sunblock, named after Sonny and the cell block they found him in.

The heroin Gong was dealing almost certainly came from the Golden Triangle, the historically lawless border region where Thailand, Laos and Myanmar meet.

The area’s climate is ideal for cultivating poppy, the plant used to make opium and heroin. The surrounding hills and jungle make it hard for law enforcement to access the area, allowing the militias and warlords that dominated the Myanmar side of the region to become some of the world’s biggest heroin dealers.

Production surged in the 1960s, when these groups realized they could use labs to process poppy into stronger narcotics, such as morphine and heroin. And it continued to boom in the following decades.

By the late 1980s, the drug was flooding into the US. Heroin from Southeast Asia accounted for 56% of the US supply — and nearly 90% of New York City’s — by 1990, according to the US Drug Enforcement Administration. Five years earlier, it had been just 14% of the American supply.
Getting these drugs into the US fell in large part to Americans and Canadians of Chinese descent, or people with links to Sino-Thai or Chinese criminal groups, according to the US Justice Department.

People like Paul Kwok.

Though court records say Gong and Kwok met in prison, Gong told CNN they first crossed paths while living in New York in the early 1980s.

In 1983, Kwok, a Canadian national, was sentenced to federal prison in the US for heroin trafficking. By coincidence, he ended up in the same prison as Gong, and the two grew closer. Eventually, they went into business together.

As Kwok got closer to being eligible for parole, he was transferred to a Canadian prison before being released in 1990. He eventually began using his contacts to import heroin into Canada. Back then, it was easier to get illicit drugs past customs in Canada than in the US, according to Calnan. Kwok then moved the heroin across the US-Canada border, which in the early 1990s was less difficult to cross undetected than it is now.

In the US, Gong would use the network of customers he had developed in federal prison to find buyers.

The arrangement worked well. By the start of 1994, Gong and Kwok had so much heroin coming in they started looking for more ways to smuggle larger quantities into the US.

So Kwok turned to the Sicilian mafia in Montreal for help. The Sicilians agreed, for a fee, to hide Kwok’s heroin alongside their own drugs and drive all the contraband to a barbershop on Long Island. Kwok’s associates would then pick up their heroin there and bring it to Gong’s buyers.

When the FBI uncovered the Sicilian connection, Operation Sunblock became a major international case. Calnan and his team were now going after a global syndicate that involved multiple organized crime outfits. The stakes were higher.

The FBI ran at least four wires, monitoring phone calls for potentially incriminating evidence of heroin deals. Calnan hired a longtime undercover agent to conduct drug deals with Gong’s organization to gather more evidence. By September 1995, Sunblock had obtained enough information to indict or arrest more than a dozen people. Kwok was apprehended in Canada on behalf of US authorities and Gong was indicted from prison.

Kwok appeared to be the man in charge, at least at first. He was stoic and serious, and appeared to command respect and deference in the criminal underworld. So Calnan and a US attorney assigned to the case went up to Canada to interview Kwok in prison to gauge whether he’d cooperate.

Talking proved dangerous. Shortly after Kwok was detained, two men approached his wife to ask if he was working with authorities. She then received “numerous threatening phone calls” warning her husband against saying anything to the police, she said in a letter to the judge hearing the case.

Later, a group of inmates who saw Kwok briefly in the company of law enforcement bashed his head against the wall in the jail bathroom, knocking him unconscious. Kwok’s attorney said his client was targeted because it appeared he was cooperating.

Still, Kwok decided to take the risk. He told a judge that he decided to offer information so he could get out of prison as early as possible to take care of his wife and young son.

Kwok and one of his lieutenants, it turned out, could give the FBI the identity of their supplier in Asia — an unassuming, 33-year-old Chinese-Canadian man with poor taste in fashion and hair parted down the middle.

His name was Tse Chi Lop.

Tse was born on October 25, 1963, in Guangdong province, southern China, before the start of the Cultural Revolution — the bloody movement in which Mao Zedong attempted to reassert his leadership over the Chinese Communist Party by radicalizing the country’s youth against anyone deemed disloyal.

After the upheaval of the Cultural Revolution and the chaotic dissolution of the Red Guards, as the young paramilitary groups were known, some formed an amorphous gang called the Big Circle Boys. It was this criminal group which Tse joined.

By the 1990s, the Big Circle Boys were major players in the Golden Triangle-North America heroin trade — and were fine cutting deals with almost anyone if there was good money to be made.

The syndicate’s decision to get into business with the Sicilian mafia impressed Calnan. Most Asian gangs in the US, he found, wouldn’t form partnerships like that. Tse approached his trade like a business, found value in new partnerships but was smart enough to try to stay under the radar.

“He used cooperation, he crossed borders. He thought outside the box, and we had to do the same thing or else we never would have caught him,” Calnan said. “We had to be as good as he was.”

After Kwok and Gong’s 1995 arrests, it would take Calnan and the Sunblock team nearly three more years to snare Tse, because he was purportedly in mainland China, which doesn’t have an extradition treaty with the US.

The FBI was seemingly out of options until 1998, when Calnan’s Canadian colleague got wind that Tse was traveling to Hong Kong. If police arrested him in the semi-autonomous Chinese city, which did have an extradition treaty with the US, Tse could potentially be sent to New York stand trial.

Calnan convinced the FBI to fly him and the Canadian agent to Hong Kong to assist with the arrest, and on August 12, the Hong Kong Police Department nabbed Tse at a local diner. Within months, he was in America.

Ceci Scott, the assistant US attorney on the case, recalled that after Tse landed in the US, his lawyer seemed eager to reach a plea agreement. Calnan believed Tse was doing everything he could to get quickly to Canada, where his wife lived with their two children that were born in the early 1990s — a daughter and a son who had a lung problem and breathing issues since birth.

While Tse wanted to cooperate enough to reduce his sentence, he wasn’t willing to reveal all. “I think he knew that we knew that he wasn’t telling us everything,” Scott said.

But the way Tse carried himself stuck with Scott. “I remember thinking, God, he’s just got the most unusual demeanor, a kind of a down-to-earth personality,” she said.

Eventually, Tse reached a deal with prosecutors that saw him plead guilty to conspiracy to import heroin into the US. Avoiding a trial allowed Tse to cut his prison time, and limit the amount of information that would exist in the public record. Today, the exact extent of his role in his first heroin syndicate remains a mystery. We don’t know how much heroin he supplied to Gong and Kwok, nor do we know if Kwok was his only customer. Calls to Kwok’s family and former attorney went unanswered.

Tse’s nine-year prison sentence was handed down on September 26, 2000, though he only ended up serving six. Prison would mark the start of a second chapter of Tse’s life, giving him the opportunity to learn from drug dealers in the US.

It was also where, allegedly, Tse met his next partner.

After driving through the lush greenery of the rural Appalachia, Tse would have arrived at the Federal Correctional Institution, in Elkton, Ohio, handcuffed, shackled at the feet and chained around his midsection.

Elkton is a low-security federal prison. It sits atop a hill and has a fence with wires to keep inmates from escaping into the surrounding pine trees. But inside, security precautions are not overwhelming, former inmates and staff say. Most convicts there are either non-violent offenders or people nearing the end of their sentences getting ready to reenter society.

“It was a different environment from multiple prisons I’ve been in,” said Charles King, a former inmate who arrived at Elkton in 2006, the year Tse left federal prison. “It was more open arms, more welcoming.”

King and others said the prison felt like a secure college campus. Inmates lived in one of several concrete-floored dormitory-style buildings with shared bathrooms and common space. Three or four men slept in small, crowded cubicles divided by cinderblock walls four to five feet high, easy enough to see over the top of.

By 2002, two years after his conviction and sentencing, Tse claimed to be almost penniless and requested a waiver for legal fees to file appeals or sentencing reductions. He said in court filings all he owned was $500 worth of clothes and $1,000 donated to him by friends and family, although it’s possible he chose not to report any holdings outside the US.

Prison was likely an adjustment for Tse, but if he was troubled those around him mostly didn’t see it. Ben, a pseudonym of a former Elkton inmate who spoke to CNN on the condition of anonymity, said Tse was “a pretty nice guy” who always had a big smile.

Other drug dealers in that prison wanted to make it known they were “big guys,” Ben said. Tse, by contrast, was pretty humble, Ben said, and didn’t really care about reputation or street cred.

Elkton housed about 1,500 prisoners during Tse’s tenure. Ben said there were about a couple of dozen inmates who were ethnically Chinese, and most spoke Cantonese. Tse was one. Another was Lee Chung Chak.

Lee had snuck into the US across the Canadian border on July 4, 1994, to coordinate what was supposed to be a major heroin deal, but the FBI were on to his associates.

It’s not clear if Tse and Lee knew each other before Elkton. But the prison’s Cantonese-speaking community was small enough that Lee and Tse almost certainly would’ve met one another. By the time they were both released in 2006, they were comfortable going into the drug business together, Australian authorities would later allege.

Though Tse told the US government he planned to open a restaurant once out of prison and expressed “great sorrow” over his criminal past, he and Lee purportedly had their sights on methamphetamine.

Meth was becoming increasingly popular in the US during their time in prison, and it represented a potentially far more lucrative business opportunity than heroin. Because it is made from chemicals, not crops, there would be no need to worry about a poor harvest affecting supply, which happens with heroin.
Australian authorities allege that by 2010, Tse and Lee had formed a meth syndicate that police call Sam Gor, a nickname for Tse that means “brother number three” in Cantonese. Its members, according to reports, simply call it The Company.

Sam Gor is believed to be made up of former rival triads who united in the name of making money, as Tse and Kwok did with the Sicilian mafia. Together, these gangs allegedly manufactured synthetic drugs on an industrial scale in large swathes of the under-policed jungles of Myanmar, the same place where Tse allegedly sourced his syndicate’s heroin in the 1990s.

Sam Gor’s purported strategy was simple: make enough meth to create an economy of scale and drive down the cost-per-unit. Then flood the market with this cheap and addictive product to get new customers, and watch the money pile in.

The syndicate became one of the biggest drug-trafficking operations in Asia’s history, according to Australian authorities. It held — and may still hold — the biggest market share of an illicit economy that, in 2019, was valued at a staggering $30 billion to $61 billion.

The human cost has been “devastating,” said Jeremy Douglas, the regional representative for Southeast Asia and the Pacific at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).

The number of reported users in countries like Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam have increased significantly since 2015, according to figures from the UNODC. More than 206,000 people across Southeast Asia sought treatment for methamphetamine use in 2020, but the real number of addicts is likely much higher because of the stigma surrounding addiction. Many people who want help choose to avoid treatment, or they simply may not have access to the same resources they would in Western countries.

And thousands of addicts and small-time dealers have been killed by police in countries waging bloody, take-no-prisoners drug wars, like in the Philippines.
Police in Thailand arrested Lee in October 2020, just a few months before Dutch authorities nabbed Tse in Amsterdam. Australian authorities alleged that Lee had played a “key role” in the multibillion-dollar methamphetamine syndicate. One investigator told Reuters that Lee’s “star had risen to be an equal or even a bigger player” to Tse.

Lee’s lawyer did not respond to CNN’s request for comment.

Putting them behind bars was a tremendous achievement. But the meth has continued to flow without them.

The UNODC said authorities across Asia seized 170,000 kilograms last year, a new record even though most countries in the region sealed their borders to prevent the spread of Covid-19. Meth prices were not affected, meaning these busts did not impact drug supply in any meaningful way, according to the UNODC.
Experts say to truly upend the meth trade, law enforcement in the Golden Triangle need to get serious about tackling the systemic issues that have allowed drug dealers in the region to thrive for decades, whether they’re making heroin or meth. That means finding a political solution to Myanmar’s decades-long civil war, so militias no longer turn to illicit economies to fund themselves. It’s a tall order, especially for a country ruled by a military junta that earlier this year overthrew a democratically elected government.

When Scott, the US attorney who helped put Tse in prison, heard about his arrest in January, she winced.

“We had no information about him doing anything with meth,” recalled Scott, who no longer works at the Justice Department. “Obviously, he met people.”

Scott loved her job as assistant US attorney for the Eastern District of New York but said drug cases sometimes left her conflicted, especially in a liberal city like New York.

By the late 1990s, the painful unintended consequences of the war on drugs were becoming clear. Tough punishments meant to deter would-be drug users and dealers had flooded American prisons with non-violent offenders, the majority of whom were from minority communities.

“A lot of the prosecutors in that office were questioning how effective those laws were,” Scott said.

Incarceration is meant to punish criminals and protect society from them, but it’s also meant to rehabilitate them.

Instead, the war on drugs created a vicious cycle. Drug dealers went to prison for years thanks to tough sentencing laws. Limited resources were dedicated to getting criminals to change their ways. So prison ended up offering convicts the opportunity to network and learn from each other.

Several studies have shown that incarceration, in certain circumstances, can have a criminogenic effect — instead of deterring criminal behavior, it reinforces it. A 2002 analysis of convicted felons in Jackson County, Missouri, found that incarcerated drug offenders were five to six times more likely to commit another crime than those placed on probation. Another study in 2012 found that, in some cases, crime pays. Those who were put behind bars earned, on average, about $11,000 more in illegal income than those who had not spent time in prison.

Academics in Denmark who analyzed the country’s entire prison population found in 2020 that for criminals sentenced to prison for drug offenses, there was “strong evidence of reinforcing peer effects on recidivism” — that is, drug dealers who met other drug dealers in prison learned from each other and ended up back in jail.

Calnan said he did a double take when the name of the man who calmly sat across from him in Hong Kong popped up in the news more than two decades after their meeting. He hadn’t given Tse another thought after his conviction in 2000.

He never thought Tse would, allegedly, become “one of the biggest international drug dealers of all time,” Calnan said.

“Looking back on it, it’s not surprising at all,” Calnan said. “He (Tse) had the skills, and of course time in prison is networking like crazy.”

Calnan realized later that the moderately successful heroin dealer he put behind bars was smart enough to run a criminal empire, and savvy enough to know how to use prison to his advantage.

“(Sunblock) begins with guys in prison networking,” Calnan said. When it came to Tse Chi Lop, Calnan said: “I don’t doubt … that’s exactly what he did also.”

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Arrest in Thailand of second drug kingpin tightens dragnet on huge syndicate

By Tom Allard, Panarat Thepgumpanat and Panu Wongcha-um

BANGKOK (Reuters) – A second senior leader of a vast drug syndicate has been arrested, a Thai narcotics official said, as a transnational dragnet tightens on the Sam Gor group, which police say dominates the $70 billion annual Asia-Pacific drug trade.

The October arrest of Hong Kong citizen Lee Chung Chak in Bangkok preceded last month’s high-profile arrest in the Netherlands of Tse Chi Lop, a China-born Canadian national who police suspect is the top leader of the syndicate, also called “The Company”.

Lee, 65, is a former prison mate of Tse’s suspected of being involved in drug trafficking for four decades. A 2018 Australian Federal Police (AFP) document reviewed by Reuters outlining the top 19 targets in the syndicate described Lee as a “senior project manager responsible for big ventures of border controlled drugs”.

The two arrests on different continents within three months stem from a decade-long investigation by the AFP, which also leads the multinational Operation Kungur task force targeting the syndicate.

It is rare for suspected senior drug traffickers to be arrested and successfully prosecuted in the Asia-Pacific region.

“The suspect was arrested by Thai Narcotics police on Oct. 1 based on an arrest warrant issued by a Thai court, which followed an extradition request by the Australian authorities,” Lieutenant General Montri Yimyaem, head of Thailand’s Narcotics Suppression Bureau, told Reuters when asked about Lee.

“The extradition is currently being processed by the court.”

In recent years, Lee has emerged as a rival to the Canadian as a major player in the region’s drug trade, according to two investigators, who spoke to Reuters on condition they not be identified.

“We understand his star had risen to be an equal or even a bigger player,” said one of the investigators. “He’s a very significant arrest in his own right.”.

Thai authorities seized a laptop and multiple phones when they searched Lee’s serviced apartment in an upscale Bangkok area, a potential treasure trove of intelligence, the two investigators told Reuters. A third official added that a document and cash in several denominations were also seized.

Lee is appealing the November approval by Thailand’s Criminal Court of Australia’s extradition request, said a source at Thailand’s Ministry of Justice. Tse is in prison in the Netherlands, where a court has yet to rule on his extradition to Australia.

Lee could not be contacted in prison, nor could his lawyer be identified by Reuters. A lawyer for Tse declined to comment. An AFP media officer declined to comment.

The alleged role of Tse – whose nickname is Sam Gor, or “Brother Number Three” in Cantonese – as leader of the syndicate and the investigation into his activities was revealed by Reuters in 2019.

(A link to the Reuters Special Report: https://reut.rs/3oOjiIc)

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has estimated the syndicate made up to $17 billion from methamphetamine trafficking in the Asia-Pacific region alone in 2018. The UNODC representative for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, Jeremy Douglas, compared Tse to the notorious Latin American cartel boss Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman.

Police also suspect the crime group traffics heroin, ketamine, cocaine and MDMA, known as ecstasy, multiple officials across the region have told Reuters.

DRUG VETERAN

Tse and Lee were the subject of requests by the AFP for law enforcement authorities around the world to arrest them. They are expected to be charged in connection with importing illicit drugs a decade ago, the investigators say.

The two men supplied drugs to a Melbourne-based drug ring and were recorded on intercepts directing the leader of the ring, Suky Lieu, the investigators alleged.

A judge’s verdict rejecting Lieu’s attempt to have his prison sentence reduced said that Lieu owned a small Asian grocery store and was regularly in touch with his Hong Kong-based drug suppliers, using as many as 60 phones and SIM cards and speaking in code. The verdict said Lieu was the leader of the drug ring. Tse and Lee were not named in the verdict.

The two investigators told Reuters that Lee was arrested in Sydney in the 1980s, allegedly for being a manager of heroin couriers. He never went to trial because a key witness died, they said. Reuters could not independently confirm this.

Lee was sentenced to 140 months in prison in 1998 for playing a “supervisory role” in a conspiracy to import heroin into the United States, federal court filings there show. Lee – extradited from Thailand to face the charge – spent time in the Elkton penitentiary in Ohio while Tse was imprisoned there.

Tse was sentenced to nine years in prison for a separate conspiracy to import heroin into the United States. The two were released from Elkton within a month of each other after completing their sentences, U.S. Bureau of Prisons records show.

Police suspect Lee later played a key role for the syndicate overseeing drug lab operators in Shan State in northern Myanmar and regularly travelled there, the two investigators said. Shan State, which is largely controlled by ethnic armed groups, has been the epicentre of drug manufacturing in Southeast Asia’s Golden Triangle for decades.

(Reporting by Tom Allard, Panarat Thepgumpanat and Panu Wongcha-um in Bangkok; Additional reporting by Stephanie van den Berg in The Hague; Editing by William Mallard)

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