Tag Archives: capitalism

Target Pride backlash exposes ‘rainbow capitalism’ problem, designer says – Reuters

  1. Target Pride backlash exposes ‘rainbow capitalism’ problem, designer says Reuters
  2. LGBTQ+ activists call for new strategies to promote equality after Target backlash The Associated Press
  3. “Twilight” star Rachelle Lefevre says she can’t take her child to Target anymore in emotional video LGBTQ Nation
  4. Corporations: You’ll Never Appease Anti-LGBTQ Boycotters. They Want to Be Angry | Opinion Newsweek
  5. Opinion | This corporation is definitely not a fair-weather ally who just wants your money! The Washington Post
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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Silicon Valley Bank collapse: GOP’s Vivek Ramaswamy says more regulation would encourage ‘crony capitalism’ – Fox Business

  1. Silicon Valley Bank collapse: GOP’s Vivek Ramaswamy says more regulation would encourage ‘crony capitalism’ Fox Business
  2. GOP presidential candidates react to Silicon Valley Bank collapse; Trump blames ‘out-of-control Democrats’ Fox News
  3. This is how SVB depositors will get their money back CNN
  4. Silicon Valley Bank Collapse Becomes Campaign Topic as GOP Warns Against Bailout The Wall Street Journal
  5. Biden admin’s response to Silicon Valley Bank collapse is the ‘greatest form of corporate cronyism’: Tim Scott Fox News
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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Armageddon Time: film featuring Trump family is attack on capitalism, says maker | Film

A new film set in 1980s New York, in which Donald Trump’s property mogul father, Fred, and high-achieving lawyer sister Maryanne appear as characters is a direct attack on late-stage capitalism, according to its principal cast and director.

Armageddon Time, which is premiering at the Cannes film festival and stars Succession’s Jeremy Strong alongside Oscar-winner Jessica Chastain as Maryanne Trump, in a cameo, is set during the run-up to the election of Ronald Reagan as president and examines the layers of privilege that determine the future of children attending different schools in the same city.

James Gray at the Armageddon Time press conference in Cannes on Friday. Photograph: Stefano Rellandini/AFP/Getty Images

Its writer-director, James Gray, said: “I think we are in serious trouble. History is very complex, but there are inflection points every few years and this moment in the 1980s was one of them.

“Those children at the private school are going to run everything and they know it,” said Gray. “There is something ossified about a system that keeps the same people at the top. Why don’t we look at this system that requires a level of oppression to operate? I was trying to show the layers of that system and of that idea of privilege.”

Strong, who plays aspiring global magnate Kendall Roy in Succession, said it was possible to “find the genome” for “terminal decadence in the United States” in the film.

“You can find a thread connecting these two worlds,” said the actor, who plays a version of Gray’s angry, working-class father in Armageddon Time. “Succession didn’t exist for me while I was in the world of this film, but it is true that the fault lines that we see beginning to crack in this story have widened and become the political and social divisions that we see now.”

While Armageddon Time focuses chiefly on the hopes of members of a struggling Jewish family, the broader story depicts the period of American politics that Gray believes has led to the racism, inequality and confused morality of today.

Jeremy Strong as Irving Graff and Anne Hathaway as Esther Graff in Armageddon Time. Photograph: Courtesy of Focus Features

The director was 12 at the time his film is set. As a fan of Muhammad Ali and the Beatles, the election of Reagan in 1980 came in the same period as a boxing ring defeat for Ali to Leon Spinks, the shooting of John Lennon in Manhattan and the renewed threat of nuclear conflict. The birth of the dominance of the market economy, coupled with the end of the adventurous “new Hollywood” films that Gray loves, did not help either, he said.

“How did we get here?” the director wondered. “With everything owned by two people and a bunch of authoritarians who are trying to take over the planet? Children today don’t even understand the phrase ‘a sell-out’, they think it just means there are no tickets left.”

He bemoaned the importance of film franchises in the entertainment industry and spoke of the enduring influence of white privilege in America, although he said he wrote the script of Armageddon Time before the death of George Floyd and the resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Young actor Jaylin Webb plays a poor black schoolboy in the film, a character with no resources to call upon when he is confronted with prejudice and disadvantage. “Luckily I never got to experience what Johnny got to experience growing up,” he said.

Anne Hathaway, who plays Esther Graff, a character based on Gray’s own mother, said she had been inspired by her own late mother-in-law’s warmth when creating her portrayal.

“Who wouldn’t be honoured to play a Jewish mother?” the actor said, holding back tears. “My husband is Jewish. We talked about what it would mean for our family to take this role.”

Gray said an old friend had recently advised him not to read newspapers or watch the news if he wanted to improve his mood, but said this was not an option for him.

“Things do weigh upon me,” he said, “but if you are a creative person you can’t divorce yourself from the world. I have no idea how to solve issues of inequality, so you have to put it out in front of the audience. I don’t think it is my job to have an answer. As artists, we are here to pose questions.”

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BlackRock CEO Larry Fink says stakeholder capitalism is not ‘woke’

Larry Fink, chief executive officer of BlackRock Inc., in Zurich, Switzerland, on Thursday, March 7, 2019.

Stefan Wermuth | Bloomberg via Getty Images

The chief executive of BlackRock has sought to defend a shareholder movement focused on putting the interests of wider society ahead of profits, saying so-called “stakeholder capitalism” is neither political nor “woke.”

In his widely followed annual letter to corporate leaders, entitled “The Power of Capitalism,” BlackRock CEO Larry Fink on Monday pushed back against accusations the asset manager was using its heft and influence to support a politically correct or progressive agenda.

“Stakeholder capitalism is not about politics. It is not a social or ideological agenda. It is not ‘woke,'” Fink said.

“It is capitalism, driven by mutually beneficial relationships between you and the employees, customers, suppliers, and communities your company relies on to prosper. This is the power of capitalism.”

Fink’s annual missive to CEOs outlines the priorities that he sees as crucial to helping BlackRock’s clients achieve “durable” long-term returns and reach their goals. In recent years, the letter has focused on a range of issues, from boardroom diversity to the climate emergency.

His public support for investment according to environmental, social and governance standards has drawn criticism from all sides. To some conservative groups and U.S. lawmakers, BlackRock, which last week surpassed the $10 trillion mark for assets under management for the first time, has been accused of “woke posturing” to hide the funneling of money to Chinese companies through its investment funds.

BlackRock became the first foreign-owned company to operate a wholly-owned business in China’s mutual fund industry last year.

The asset manager has previously acknowledged the U.S. and China’s “complex” economic relationship. It has also said it believes globally integrated financial markets can “provide people, companies, and governments in all countries with better and more efficient access to capital that supports economic growth around the world.”

Separately, environmental activists have attacked the firm for failing to completely divest from fossil fuel companies and many other big contributors to the climate crisis.

Fink’s letter reaffirmed the asset manager’s policy of engaging with companies seeking to take part in the so-called “energy transition” rather than divesting altogether. He added that companies could not be the “climate police” on their own and instead they would need to work together with governments.

“Divesting from entire sectors – or simply passing carbon-intensive assets from public markets to private markets – will not get the world to net zero. And BlackRock does not pursue divestment from oil and gas companies as a policy,” Fink said.

BlackRock’s CEO said the asset manager is also working to expand an initiative for investors to use technology to cast proxy votes.

“We are committed to a future where every investor – even individual investors – can have the option to participate in the proxy voting process if they choose,” Fink said.

“We know there are significant regulatory and logistical hurdles to achieving this today, but we believe this could bring more democracy and more voices to capitalism. Every investor deserves the right to be heard. We will continue to pursue innovation and work with other market participants and regulators to help advance this vision toward reality.”

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Larry Fink’s Letter to CEOs Says Stakeholder Capitalism Is Not ‘Woke’

Laurence D. Fink, the founder and chief executive of the investment giant BlackRock, has become one of the most influential voices in business over the past decade in pushing corporate leaders to think beyond profits, to their social purpose.

Mr. Fink has delivered his words in annual letters that have drawn remarkable attention, but also criticism from all corners: that he is beholden to politically correct antibusiness activists, or that he is co-opting these issues for marketing purposes.

On Monday night, he used his latest letter to corporate America to clarify — and defend — his approach.

“Stakeholder capitalism is not about politics,” Mr. Fink wrote to the chief executives of businesses that BlackRock has invested in. “It is not ‘woke.’ It is capitalism.”

Mr. Fink’s annual letter is widely followed, and this year’s 3,300-word edition is sure to be read in boardrooms and beyond.

On Friday, BlackRock said it managed more than $10 trillion in assets, across an array of index funds, pension plans and other investment products, cementing the firm’s position as the world’s largest asset manager. That gives Mr. Fink a huge amount of influence: If a public company that BlackRock has invested in ignores his calls, his firm could seek to oust its directors or, among its actively managed funds, sell its shares.

So when Mr. Fink began urging chief executives four years ago to consider how they contributed to society, his words carried weight. Within weeks of his telling leaders in 2020 that climate change would become a “defining factor” in how BlackRock assessed their companies, many blue-chip businesses announced plans to become carbon-neutral or carbon-negative.

In this year’s letter, Mr. Fink urged chief executives to continue embracing their moral responsibility as the pandemic reshapes society and business, and as consumers and workers demand more from companies.

But in perhaps the most telling sentence, he said that what drove his push for companies to have purpose was creating profits. “Make no mistake, the fair pursuit of profit is still what animates markets; and long-term profitability is the measure by which markets will ultimately determine your company’s success,” he wrote.

Much of this year’s letter was devoted to Mr. Fink’s belief that a focus on environmental, social and corporate governance issues — E.S.G., for short — does not conflict with making money. Reducing a company’s carbon footprint, for example, makes the business more resilient in the long term, which is in investors’ interests.

“We focus on sustainability not because we’re environmentalists, but because we are capitalists and fiduciaries to our clients,” Mr. Fink wrote.

He suggested that E.S.G. was not a fad but a permanent feature of the corporate world. Business leaders who do not adapt to the new reality, he suggested, risk being overtaken by younger and more innovative rivals in step with the times.

“Capital markets have allowed companies and countries to flourish. But access to capital is not a right,” he wrote. “It is a privilege. And the duty to attract that capital in a responsible and sustainable way lies with you.”

But some critics say Mr. Fink and BlackRock are not pushing companies hard enough to go green. Environmental groups have called out what they see as shortcomings in Mr. Fink’s approach: BlackRock’s Big Problem, a collection of nonprofits and other advocates, accuses the firm of failing to exclude major polluters from its investment funds, even in E.S.G.-focused products.

In his latest letter, Mr. Fink defended his more gradual approach, including a refusal to force BlackRock to divest holdings in fossil-fuel companies. (He has said in the past that the firm cannot rid many of its mainstream funds of holdings in companies that are part of major stock indexes.)

“Divesting from entire sectors — or simply passing carbon-intensive assets from public markets to private markets — will not get the world to net zero,” he wrote. Focusing solely on cutting down on the supply of oil and gas, and not reducing the demand for fossil fuels, would simply drive up energy prices and encourage more of a backlash against green-energy efforts, he argued.

BlackRock has also faced pressure from the opposite end of the climate spectrum. Last year, Texas lawmakers passed a bill that, on paper, would block the state’s agencies from investing public money with financial companies, like BlackRock, if they were to “boycott energy companies.”

“If Wall Street turns their back on Texas and our thriving oil and gas industry, then Texas will not do business with Wall Street,” Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, a supporter of the bill, posted on Twitter last year.

Mr. Fink’s letter did not address the Texas bill, and to date the state has not cut off BlackRock. He also said the firm would offer individual investors more ability to vote its shares, something BlackRock has been under pressure to do, especially by Republican lawmakers who have complained that the firm has too much influence. BlackRock is making it easier for institutions to vote themselves as well.

“We are pursuing an initiative to use technology to give more of our clients the option to have a say in how proxy votes are cast at companies their money is invested in,” Mr. Fink wrote. “We now offer this option to certain institutional clients, including pension funds that support 60 million people.”

Along with his push for companies to focus more on climate, he repeated a call on governments and multinational organizations like the World Bank to be more supportive of investments in green energy.

“Businesses can’t do this alone,” Mr. Fink wrote, “and they cannot be the climate police.”



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‘Black Capitalism’ Promised a Better City for Everyone. What Happened?

ROCHESTER, N.Y. — The Panther Graphics printing plant sits along a row of red brick buildings and empty parking lots on the edge of a circular highway that separates this city’s downtown from a largely Black neighborhood to the north. Nearby, there is a warehouse, a Baptist Church and a billboard that warns “A Shot from A Gun Can’t Be Undone,” a reference to Rochester’s soaring murder rate.

Tony Jackson, the owner of Panther Graphics, grew up here, the oldest of six children. His mother died when he was 13 and his father served time in Attica, the nearby state prison. But Mr. Jackson said he always had “ink in his blood” — a helpful trait in a city dominated by the giant film and copying companies Kodak and Xerox — and he found his calling in commercial printing.

Mr. Jackson named his company, which produces labels for the grocery chain Wegmans and health care enrollment packets for Blue Cross Blue Shield, after the Black Panther Party. “It represents being Black and being strong,” he said.

Today, in Mr. Jackson’s office, there is a photo of his son breaking a tackle as a running back on the Duke University football team and also a large painting of four men — Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, Nelson Mandela and Barack Obama — gathered around a table, smiling.

“I have always wanted people in this neighborhood to see what is possible,” he said.

But Panther Graphics is the product of a complicated legacy. The company is one of the few sizable, Black-owned employers operating in Rochester, a city of 200,000 people, 40 percent of whom are Black.

There was a time, though, when Rochester was on the cutting edge of Black “community capitalism” — an effort to create companies owned, staffed and managed largely by Black people that could lift up the broader community.

Just as giant corporations have pledged billions to help combat racism and support Black Americans in the wake of George Floyd’s murder, corporate investments in Black businesses were seen as an antidote to racial unrest in the 1960s, a way to ease the tensions that threatened the reputations of burgeoning corporate hubs like Rochester.

Some of those efforts in Rochester were quite bold and innovative at the time. Looking back now, though, the long-term challenges of achieving those ambitions shows the limits of social activists partnering with big business and how such efforts may not make a substantial dent in the systemic issues of poverty and racism affecting the broader Black community. It is a disheartening case study for the many companies that have made public commitments to promote equity and inclusion this year.

Nearly 60 years ago, Xerox teamed up with a Black power group to create a factory that made vacuums and other parts for copying and film processing and was partly owned by its work force.

That company, which was eventually called Eltrex Industries, provided hundreds of manufacturing jobs to Black residents, including Mr. Jackson, who credits his experience there with providing the skills and connections he needed to start his own business.

As part of an effort to promote more racial equity, Xerox also recruited Black engineers and technicians to Rochester, including Ursula Burns, who rose to become the first Black woman to lead a Fortune 500 company as chief executive officer.

Eventually, Eltrex shut its doors in 2011. Its challenges were blamed on a mixture of racism and its reliance on winning contracts from Xerox and Kodak, which were fighting for their own survival in a digital age and whose ability to support the venture became more limited.

Some community leaders say the company and its corporate sponsors veered from its mission by focusing on profit while shedding its Black activist identity.

“With as many corporate entities as Rochester has, you wouldn’t think it would have such a large poor Black population,” said Dennis Bassett, a former executive at Kodak and Bausch + Lomb, who is Black and moved to Rochester in the 1970s.

That contrast seems even more stark these days, after a particularly tumultuous time for the city, which is the nation’s third poorest, by one measure, after Detroit and Cleveland.

Lovely Warren, the first woman and second African American to be the city’s mayor, was indicted in July on weapons charges after her 10-year-old child was left alone in her home where police found a pistol and rifle. Ms. Warren pleaded not guilty.

The city was also roiled last year by the death of a Black man, Daniel Prude, who was handcuffed on a frigid street by Rochester police officers and had a mesh hood put over his head because they said he was having a psychotic episode. Video of the confrontation, which led to Mr. Prude’s death, came out months later, prompting protests in Rochester. In February, the police pepper-sprayed a 9-year-old Black girl at her home, setting off more protests that joined a larger national conversation about race and policing.

The widespread protests throughout the country led corporate America to pledge billions of dollars in investments to Black-owned businesses and to ramp up hiring of African Americans.

But following through may be a challenge, the way it was in Rochester.

Despite decades of investments, Eltrex failed to grow to its fullest potential and spawn a large number of other community-owned companies as many had hoped it would.

“This could have been the nation’s first billion-dollar Black-owned business and the start of many others,” Mr. Jackson said of Eltrex. “But it failed to adapt.”

When the head of Xerox, Joseph Wilson, drove up to the headquarters of the organization in 1964, the Rev. Franklin Florence remembers there was still smoke in the air from the protests erupting around Rochester over the lack of affordable housing for Black people.

The F.I.G.H.T. organization was an umbrella group made up of Black churches, tenant associations and even book clubs that used their collective strength to organize protests around any issue affecting the membership.

Many of Rochester’s corporate leaders were shaken by the protests, but it was Mr. Wilson who took the step in 1964 of reaching out to Mr. Florence, the head of F.I.G.H.T. — short for Freedom, Independence, God, Honor, Today — to ask how Xerox could help.

“Joseph Wilson asked what we wanted,” Mr. Florence recalled in an interview. “We told him we wanted a factory.”

Mr. Florence had gained national attention during the civil rights movement with his campaign against Eastman Kodak, the city’s largest and most influential company, which had employed relatively few Black residents.

He was a polarizing figure in Rochester who led protests at Kodak’s annual shareholder meeting, an embarrassment to the powerful corporation and a warning to other corporations about the power of social activism to disrupt their businesses.

Mr. Wilson of Xerox assigned one of his executives in Europe to set up the plant. The company that would run it would be called Fighton.

Some of Fighton’s first products were vacuums and parts for electrical transformers. A portion of the company was owned by the employees and the rest by the F.I.G.H.T. organization which ran a neighborhood housing project called F.I.G.H.T. Village, near the factory. Xerox lent managers to help train the workers.

Among the efforts to support Black business amid the unrest of the 1960s, Fighton represented something new.

“They wanted to try capitalism, but they wanted it to happen in a socialist way,’’ said Laura Warren Hill, a history professor at Bloomfield College in New Jersey, and the author of “Strike the Hammer: The Black Freedom Struggle in Rochester, New York, 1940-1970.” “They wanted it to have a human face and to help the underserved.”

The role of the city’s big corporations in this initiative also stood out.

“You have Xerox working with a Black power group,” Ms. Hill said, “to shape what Black capitalism is going to look like.”

Outside Rochester, though, Fighton was not always so well received. The name seemed to be a big part of its problem.

“The people we were trying to do business with would ask: ‘What does this Fight mean? Fight who?’” recalled Matthew Augustine, the company’s longest-serving chief executive.

In 1976, Mr. Augustine was recruited to become C.E.O. by a friend from Harvard Business School who was on the board of Fighton.

The F.I.G.H.T. organization had gone through an internal power struggle, with Mr. Florence eventually losing his leadership role. At the time, the factory was not profitable and in danger of shutting down, Mr. Augustine said.

The Fighton board wanted Mr. Augustine, a native of Louisiana, to shift the business model to be “more personal profit orientated” and less focused on the community benefit, he said.

The board agreed to give Mr. Augustine ownership of most of the company, and he eventually amassed an 80 percent stake.

One of his first moves was changing the company’s name from Fighton, which was seen as too militant in the business community, to Eltrex Industries — a mash-up of Electrical, Transformer and Xerox.

In addition to manufacturing, the rebranded company started selling office supplies and offering snow removal and mail processing services. Under Mr. Augustine’s watch, Eltrex was meant to be a one-stop shop for companies seeking to fulfill their minority-owned business goals.

Mr. Augustine said his approach to hiring was to give many employees first and often “second chances.” Some workers were still incarcerated and came to and from the factory from jail each day.

Rochester had other Black-owned businesses but many tended to be restaurants, barbershops and other service-focused enterprises. At its height, Eltrex employed 350 people, mostly Black and Hispanic workers, in “prideful jobs” Mr. Augustine said. It generated $20 million in sales and was profitable.

Kodak, which had been initially reluctant to get involved because of its contentious relationship with the F.I.G.H.T. organization, also agreed to do business with Eltrex, Mr. Augustine said.

Despite its financial success, Mr. Florence’s son Clifford Florence said Eltrex was straying from its original mission.

“They lost sight of the advocacy that they should be doing for the poor and began to look at the money,” he said.

Mr. Jackson went to work at Eltrex in the late 1980s. He got the opportunity to supervise employees and to work in sales, where he made valuable connections. He looked enviously at Mr. Augustine’s office, his Mercedes and house in the suburbs. “That’s what inspired me to start my own business,” Mr. Jackson said.

In 1993, Mr. Jackson left Eltrex to start Panther Graphics. One of his biggest accounts came from Xerox. In a few years, Mr. Jackson also had a house in the suburbs and a cabin on Lake Ontario with a pontoon boat.

Several years ago, Mr. Jackson drove his Porsche to visit a friend in north Rochester and handed him cash to buy them beer. A few minutes later, the police surrounded Mr. Jackson and his sports car. An officer threatened to search him, suggesting that the cash was for a drug deal. The police eventually left, he said, but did not apologize for their mistake.

“I am not going to cry about it because what good does that do?” Mr. Jackson said.

In her memoir published in June, Ms. Burns describes how the very top executives at Xerox and the longtime board member Vernon Jordan mentored her throughout her career. She praised Mr. Wilson, who is credited with founding Xerox, for taking an “enlightened” approach to diversity.

“Why is it that we have none of these people working here?” Mr. Wilson said, according to Ms. Burns’s book. Mr. Wilson remarked that he could not run a “great company” where Black people and women he saw outside his window were “literally not here.”

While Mr. Wilson and other executives set a supportive tone at the top, these efforts by Xerox and the city’s other large companies did not always change attitudes across the broader Rochester community, some local leaders say. Ms. Burns, who is retired from Xerox, declined to comment.

Eltrex was regularly recognized with awards for the quality of its products. Yet, Mr. Augustine would hear rumblings from people in the local business community about the need to improve quality control at Eltrex.

Eltrex was also paying a higher interest rate than other companies — something Mr. Augustine learned after he was appointed to the board of a local bank.

“People ask, ‘Why weren’t you a billion-dollar company?’” said Mr. Augustine. “But they don’t understand the environment we were operating in.”

“When you hear about the folks burning down Black Wall Street. This stuff is real. There are people who are absolutely threatened by any kinds of success for Black people, and they work to keep you from being successful.”

Dennis Bassett spent 18 years at Kodak and 17 at Bausch + Lomb. He remembers flying with a top Kodak executive on the corporate jet, talking about the need for more diversity. Kodak “did a good job putting people of color in executive positions,” Mr. Bassett said.

But those hiring initiatives did not always reach down into the company’s middle management, where many key decisions were made, he said.

And even as Xerox and Kodak “were printing money,” the city’s poorest Black residents continued to slide further into poverty, he said. Mr. Bassett faults himself for not pushing the companies to do more to help the city.

“Back then, I was chasing the brass ring,” said Mr. Bassett, 73. “I was doing the things I needed to be successful for my career and my family.

“I look back and say I bit my tongue more than I wish I had bit my tongue,” he added.

In a statement, a Xerox spokesperson said the company has spent millions over many decades supporting science programs for Rochester students and organizing mentorships and other volunteer activities to “help close the poverty gap.”

“Giving back to communities throughout the world, particularly underserved communities, is ingrained in our company’s values,” the spokesperson said.

Kodak did not respond to requests for comment.

Mr. Bassett faced some barriers in Rochester that seemed intractable.

Mr. Bassett remembers that when he put his five-bedroom house in an upscale Rochester suburb on the market in the 1980s, the realtor recommended that he take down all the family pictures or any artwork that could indicate that a Black family lived there.

“The realtor was matter-of-fact,” Mr. Bassett said. “And guess what? We complied. I just wanted to sell my house.”

Rochester will have a new mayor in January, most likely a City Council member named Malik Evans.

Mr. Evans, who defeated Ms. Warren in the Democratic primary this summer, said the city needed to let go of its identity as a company town dominated by Kodak and Xerox, and become a “town of companies.”

“We have older African American residents who had graduated from high school and were getting jobs at Bausch + Lomb and Kodak, and then buying property,” said Mr. Evans. “But then that fizzled.”

Mr. Evans said that the city should focus on creating more small and medium-size businesses and that corporate commitments cannot fade as the protests against racism recede.

“It can’t become just another flavor of the month,” he said. “We always look back a few years later and say, ‘Whatever happened to that.’”

Today, there are no grand monuments to Franklin Florence or the company he helped create. Eltrex’s original factory building was damaged in 2010 after a vehicle smashed into the first floor and burst into flames. The vehicle’s occupants were killed in the crash, and the building was demolished.

“If you walk down the street in Rochester, not many people know who Franklin Florence is, and I think that is a crime,” said Ms. Hill, the historian. “Whether you love or hate him, he is an important figure.”

Even today, there is debate about Eltrex’s legacy. Mr. Augustine, the former C.E.O., said he regretted that he was not able to grow the company’s customer base before Xerox and Kodak began to struggle. But he often found that other companies were not sincerely interested in engaging Black-owned businesses, but only looking like they were.

Kodak filed for bankruptcy in 2012, while Xerox restructured its business, which resulted in a series of large layoffs at its Rochester facilities. Mr. Augustine said some of Eltrex’s assets were sold and its employees transferred to Cannon Industries, a metal fabricator and one of the other large minority-owned businesses in Rochester.

“Could we have done more? Yes,” said Mr. Augustine. “But I am proud of what we accomplished.”

Mr. Jackson said that Eltrex failed to adapt to life beyond Kodak and Xerox and that its problems should not be blamed on racism. “I have to reinvent myself every five years or I die,” he said.

For his part, Franklin Florence said he had hoped the original concept of Fighton could have been expanded. He urged the protesters who are pushing to end systemic racism today to keep up the pressure.

“There were people back then who said we had to get out of the street and into the boardroom,” Mr. Florence said. “Our folk went into the boardrooms, and we suffered. And that is where we are today.”

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Scaramucci says China’s Didi crackdown an assault on capitalism, ‘form of political terrorism’

Hedge fund founder Anthony Scaramucci told CNBC on Wednesday that the Chinese government’s crackdown on Didi Global, just days after the ride-hailing giant went public in the U.S., is “a direct assault on global capitalism.”

“The bad news for the Chinese and the United States now is, if you’re a capital allocator in the United States, the risk premium just went up dramatically in China,” the founder and co-managing partner of SkyBridge said on “Squawk Box.”

Scaramucci’s comments came one day after shares of Didi tanked more than 19% as Wall Street processed a series of regulatory investigations and restrictions facing the company. The stock was down another 4% Wednesday morning in premarket trading to below $12 per share as the company’s main app was removed from Tencent’s WeChat messaging service and Ant Group’s Alipay for new users. 

“Ultimately, if there were smart American business executives that were advising Chinese leadership, they would say, ‘This is a direct assault on global capitalism; it’s a form of political terrorism, and you’re hurting the country,'” Scaramucci said.

  • On Friday, just two days after Didi began trading on the New York Stock Exchange, Chinese regulators announced a cybersecurity review of the ride-hailing firm and barred new users from signing up while the probe was conducted. That caused the stock to close down 5.3% Friday.
  • Then on Sunday, according to Reuters, China’s cyber regulator said it told app stores to stop carrying Didi’s app entirely after it claimed to find the company had illegally collected users’ personal data. In response, Didi said it plans to make changes to comply with the country’s data rules.
  • Those developments were followed by a report Monday in the Wall Street Journal, which said that weeks before Didi’s public listing was completed, Chinese regulators suggested to Didi that it push back its IPO plans and undertake a review of its security network.

“The bottom line here is they did not want Didi to go IPO. The regulators asked for a delay. That is an absolute no-no in a place like China. The minute they disobeyed … then all of the repression of China comes to roost,” Scaramucci said.

According to the Wall Street Journal report, government officials in China held reservations about Didi’s large amounts of user data ending up in foreign possession due to the company listing on a U.S. stock exchange, which carries greater disclosure requirements.

“There’s an insecurity going on inside of China in terms of their ability to control information and the result of which is going to be very bad for companies,” Scaramucci said.

U.S. corporations and investors have looked to China, which is home to the world’s second-largest economy, for opportunity despite the Chinese Communist Party’s sweeping influence over business affairs.

However, Scaramucci — who briefly served as White House communications director in the Trump administration, which took a hawkish stance toward Beijing — said the Didi debacle will not stop companies and investors from avoiding China in a significant away.

“The opportunity costs are a little bit too high for a hedge fund advisor like SkyBridge, but I do see other companies still foraying in China,” Scaramucci said. “But I’ve got to tell you, we’ve got to give a big pushback to what’s going on because it’s an assault on capitalism. It’s nationalism related to the central control of data and it’s sort of everything that disavows the spirit of what goes on in a capitalist society.”

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