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CA Legislators’ Bill To Allow Disneyland To Reopen Earlier Than Planned – Deadline

On Thursday, two California Assembly Members representing districts impacted greatly by the closure of Disneyland and Six Flags Magic Mountain were set to co-sponsor a bill that will place all theme parks in the “Orange – Moderate – Tier 3” of the state’s Covid-19 Industry Guidance for Amusement Parks and Theme Parks. The guidance in Governor Gavin Newsom’s Blueprint for a Safer Economy currently restricts theme parks from reopening until the county they are located in achieves the “Yellow – Minimal – Tier 4.”

Even then, the guest limit at parks would be 25% and indoor dining establishments could only operate at 25% capacity. Disneyland, Magic Mountain and Knott’s Berry Farm all closed in March 2020.

California Identifies Over 1,000 Cases Of

Amusement park operators have long chafed at what they considered the too restrictive demands placed on them by Newsom’s Blueprint. They argue that there has not been a single documented case at a theme park, and The California Attractions and Parks Association (CAPA) laid out its plan for stringent virus prevention measures.

“We should be in Tier Three, along with other industries that have proven they can reopen responsibly,” said Karen Irwin, President & COO, Universal Studios Hollywood in October. “Our employees are ready to go back to work and the fact that they won’t be able to do so until well into next year is shameful.”

Dubbed AB 420, the bill is being sponsored by Assembly Members Sharon Quirk Silva (D-Buena Park, West Anaheim) and Suzette Valladares (R-Santa Clarita). Quirk-Silva is Chair and Valladares Vice Chair of the Arts, Entertainment, Sports, Tourism and Internet Media Committee. Disneyland is, of course, in Buena Park-adjacent Anaheim and Magic Mountain is located in Santa Clarita.

The bill’s main thrust is that authorities should “treat large and small theme parks equally.” In December 2020, state guidance was amended to allow smaller theme parks to reopen in the Moderate — orange — tier but confining larger parks to stay closed until their cities reach the more difficult Minimal — yellow — tier. Read a draft version of the bill’s language here.

CAPA came out with a statement strongly supporting the legislators’ plan.

“We deeply appreciate Assembly Members Quirk-Silva and Valladares for their leadership and for introducing legislation on Safe Theme Park Reopening,” said Erin Guerrero, Executive Director, California Attractions and Parks Association.

“Worldwide, theme parks have proven they can reopen responsibly while protecting the health of guests and staff. Science and data show it can be done. California should allow theme parks to reopen responsibly in the Orange – Moderate – Tier 3.”

Newsom has disagreed. While he has not cited any specific data, the governor says the danger is self evident.

“Self-evidently,” said Newsom last fall, “we should be concerned about opening up large theme park which, by definition, people mix from all possible walks of life and putting ourselves and others at risk of seeing transmission rates rise.”

“Nearly a year after parks closed in response to the pandemic, tens of thousands of employees remain out of work, while local businesses, communities surrounding theme parks, and local governments face ongoing negative consequences,” said Guerrero on Thursday.

“COVID transmission rates are improving and the vaccination distribution is underway, yet California’s major theme parks have no timeline and no realistic pathway toward reopening if left in the ‘Yellow- Minimal – Tier 4’ of state guidance.”

On Wednesday, Newsom said he sees “the light at the end of the tunnel,” citing increased vaccinations and lower case rates. But while he has seemingly flipped on other shutdown-related stances, such as his insistence the state stay closed last spring and the prohibition of dining in restaurants, the governor has not budged yet on the state’s amusement parks.

Guerrero and other wish he would. But in the absence of action from Newsom, they applaud the bill being introduced.

“California’s iconic theme parks are important economic drivers for the state and local regions,” she said. “AB 420 is needed so theme parks can plan to reopen responsibly and get back to contributing to the economic recovery of our state.”



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COVID-19 early response prompts Utah lawmaker to draft bill protecting religious and personal liberties

SALT LAKE CITY — In March 2020, the world seemingly shut down as state leaders rushed to keep Utahns safe from the quick-spreading and largely mysterious novel coronavirus. As part of the response, church services were limited and family members were unable to visit loved ones at health care facilities.

Nearly a year later, a state lawmaker is trying to prevent that from ever happening again with a proposed bill that he says will protect religious and personal freedoms, even in states of emergency.

Rep. Cory Maloy, R-Lehi, is the sponsor for HB184, which would block health departments from limiting religious exercise or the entry of a church. It also prohibits a health care facility from barring individuals from seeing at least one family member or spiritual advisor at a time.

“This is not to say anything negative about our health care facilities or our health care workers; I know that everyone … has worked very, very diligently to do the right things, but we just feel strongly (about) that right to be able to have those emotional connections,” Maloy said.

Taking the proper health precautions would still be permitted under the current language of the bill and facilities would be allowed “to do everything to make sure everybody’s kept safe,” Maloy said, but they will not be permitted to ban visitors altogether.

“It’s not to say we can’t do recommendations or put the right things in place to keep people safe, but just doing it without shutting those places down,” he said.

In a written statement, the Utah Department of Health said it was reviewing the bill and would address any potential concerns with Maloy.

“The Utah Department of Health has an important responsibility to respond to outbreaks of infectious disease in order to protect the health of Utah residents,” Tom Hudachko, Utah Department of Health director of communications wrote in the statement.

While the bill was inspired by the state’s COVID-19 response, Maloy said he didn’t feel any health or other public officials acted maliciously and recognized the situation was fast-moving and difficult to address; however, he said he believes it’s important to reflect on the response and see if there were areas where the state could be better in the future.

“I think it’s good for us to look at what we’ve learned through this past year,” he said.

Religious impact

While Utah hasn’t limited worship since the spring, other states have faced backlash for strict health guidelines applied to worship. The United States Supreme Court recently sided with religious groups in a dispute over COVID-19 restrictions in New York, ruling that the guidelines implemented for churches were far more restrictive than regulations enacted for similar secular businesses. Prior to the ruling, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo revised restrictions in response to a lawsuit from religious organizations.

Utah initially restricted in-person church services but later allowed them under new guidelines issued in May. Since then, the state has largely avoided enacting orders on the religious sector of Utah.

In November, former Gov. Gary Herbert issued a new emergency order to address hospital overcrowding that banned residents from socially gathering with those who live outside of their household. Religious organizations were exempt from the order and instead were encouraged to implement the proper health protocols in their congregations to limit the spread.

Thankfully, Maloy said, Utah included its religious organizations in making key decisions about the COVID-19 response and there haven’t been any instances similar to the issues seen in New York and other states; however, he felt ensuring religious liberties even in the face of emergencies was crucial, which is why he proposed the bill as a preventative measure.

“This is a preventative measure to make sure that that never happens here in Utah,” Maloy said.

Religious groups in the state have largely followed health guidelines to limit the spread of COVID-19, outside of government orders. But Maloy said the “difference is they weren’t forced to by the government” and that they acted because “it was the right thing to do with their congregations.”

Since the onset of the pandemic, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has been proactive in its response. The global church suspended in-person church service and did not immediately return to services even after local guidelines allowed for it.

Several other religious groups have implemented their own COVID-19 guidelines outside of state requirements, as well. Salt Lake’s Calvary Baptist Church, for example, closed in-person services after opening services briefly.

“I just wanted to err on the side of caution,” the Rev. Oscar Moses previously told KSL.com about his decision. “I didn’t want to take any chances with someone perhaps even contracting the virus.”

The Chabad Lubavitch of Utah also adjusted its services by implementing a hybrid system with some services conducted in person and others online to maintain public health guidelines. The congregation also hosted socially distanced Hanukkah celebrations in December.

“Whilst we are taking precautions, we are trying to be there for people in a way that makes them feel most comfortable,” Rabbi Avremi Zippel told KSL.com.

Zippel said he’s been grateful for the partnership the state has cultivated with the various religious communities in addressing pandemic response.

“That is something which we’re very grateful for here in Utah,” he said. “I know that we do not take it for granted because I know that many of my colleagues who live in other parts of the country, in larger communities, had their local governments really kind of bring the hammer down on various religious communities in what seems to be in completely arbitrary fashion.”

The state’s response to COVID-19 has largely been based around personal responsibility, with a mandatory mask mandate not implemented until several months into the pandemic.

For Zippel, he said he feels that religious leaders need to strike a balance between leading by example in times of crisis while still offering crucial religious and spiritual support.

“We need to be leading from the front; we need to be shutting down when we need to shut down,” he explained, noting that Judaism and several other religions place extreme priority on a person’s health.

On the other hand, he noted that it’s important for religious leaders to feel support from their local government for the service they provide the community.

“I think that as religious leaders, we like to feel supported and acknowledged and recognized by our local governments for the essential services that we provide to our communities,” he said. “Some people rely on their faith communities for support, for structure, for so many good things in their life, especially when everything is collapsing all around them.”

In the end, while Maloy said Utah did a great job balancing religious freedoms while still protecting the public’s health, he felt it was important to solidify those rights through law.

Protecting seniors in living facilities

Maloy’s bill would also prohibit senior living facilities from limiting family members or religious leaders from visiting residents, something that was common practice early on in the pandemic in an effort to keep residents safe from the virus.

“The reason is, oftentimes, they’re very fragile because of their age. And locking them in where they can’t have the emotional support system from their spiritual leaders or their family is just something we don’t want to see,” Maloy said. “It’s meant to be preventative to protect those rights, and we have seen instances in Utah where seniors — especially seniors — were away from their family members or spiritual leaders for months at a time, and we just feel like that’s just too much of an infringement.”

Jenny Allred, who went several months without seeing her 95-year-old grandmother, said the bill is extremely important and is something that “absolutely needs to happen.”

“The health department was focusing so much on the aspect of keeping physically safe — which absolutely needs to happen — however, there’s another very important component to that health that goes hand in hand, and that’s mental and emotional health,” she said. “So I think this will help kind of find a balance between that.”

As the facility Allred’s grandmother resides in reacted to COVID-19 cases in the community, the family’s contact with the 95-year-old declined and the family was “very worrisome because we couldn’t get ahold of her.”

Eventually, the family was able to get her an Alexa machine that helped them communicate, but they were still unable, at times, to contact her. In-person visits were also limited, allowed to happen only through a glass window. Her grandmother contracted COVID-19 at one point and Allred and other family members struggled to get in contact with her for health updates since the facility was overwhelmed and short-staffed. Fortunately, her grandmother has since recovered.

“I think when you’re going through those things, to even be able to see her in person and be able to have that connection, let her know things are going to be OK, be able to provide that love, and for her to be able to feel that and see that in person, I think speaks volumes,” Allred said.

Maloy agreed and said that was his entire idea behind the bill: preventing seniors from becoming isolated during a disaster.

“They can still be able to take precautions to do everything to make sure everybody’s kept safe, (but) they will not be able to just say, ‘No, you can’t have visitors coming in,'” Maloy said.

Lauren Bennett

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Patriots, Bill Belichick should push for Deshaun Watson

When this whole Deshaun Watson sweepstakes idea started in early January, the beginnings were modest.

In the seemingly unlikely event that Watson would push his way out of Houston, logic was dictated by which teams had the right draft ammunition and salary-cap space. The Miami Dolphins were a natural fit. So too were the New York Jets, who had lost out on their dream of landing Trevor Lawrence. And if you were willing to get outside the box, you could envision a team like the San Francisco 49ers, who appear hellbent on upgrading the quarterback spot and can suddenly create a nice cap surplus by offloading Jimmy Garoppolo. These were sensible destinations. As the weeks have rolled on, we’ve begun to float toward fantasy trade island.

Now as January comes to a close, we’re officially beached there under a coconut tree — with half the NFL being touted as a Hey, Maybe landing spot. The formula has been simple: If there’s even mild discontent at the quarterback spot, that franchise is now entered into the Deshaun Watson qualifier race. Hell, even the Arizona Cardinals (“Kyler Murray is from Texas!”) and Green Bay Packers (“Aaron Rodgers isn’t happy!”) are being entered into the increasingly crowded field of Wild West speculation.

And why not? If you’re an NFL team without a top-10 quarterback or a budding star of your own, you should probably be interested in Watson. Whether you have the ability to make it happen is another story. The vast majority of teams being speculated don’t. And to emerge from the field of have-nots, you really need to blow an offer into the stratosphere.

There is one team in the highly unlikely crowd of contenders that should consider blowing up the obvious destinations with an overwhelming offer. Regardless if the move is out of character for this particular team or would prove costlier than the head coach is usually comfortable with, it’s worth one franchise really pressing forward and trying to upend this whole thing.

The New England Patriots. It’s a team that has far longer odds than what Las Vegas would probably put on any Watson pursuit.

It’s not hard to stack up why it could never work. The team’s 15th overall pick in the 2021 draft isn’t remotely close to what several other contenders can offer. And from an overachievement standpoint, the Patriots are the kind of team that will likely always be selecting players in the lower half of drafts, sheerly driven by the coaching and culture Bill Belichick has instilled. That doesn’t bode well when a team is weighing New England’s picks in an offer. And the draft compensation also doesn’t take into account that Belichick may not love the idea of paying any quarterback a steep deal — even Watson’s five-year, post-trade average of $29.3 million per year, which is very economical for his considerable skills.

If it all ended there, the Patriots would already be in bad shape in the Watson trade talks. But it doesn’t. There’s behind-the-scenes beef between Patriots ownership and All-Pro NFL Svengali Jack Easterby, who has become an infamous executive inside the Texans and seems to be lurking under the fingernails of virtually everything that team owner Cal McNair reaches for. Even with former Patriots personnel man Nick Caserio potentially being amenable to working out a deal with the Patriots, it’s highly unlikely Easterby wouldn’t work to kill the possibility. We also can’t ignore that Watson didn’t seem to enjoy his time under former coach Bill O’Brien, leaving the possibility that he’d never want to go play for O’Brien’s close friend Belichick, even with Belichick having immense respect for Watson’s talent.

It was a rough go for Bill Belichick in the post Tom Brady era in New England. (AP Photo/Elise Amendola, FIle)

Taken altogether, that’s not just a formidable bucket of cold water thrown on a Patriots pursuit of Watson — it’s a tsunami of icebergs washing away fantasy trade island. That doesn’t mean Belichick shouldn’t make the call.

Dealing for Garoppolo will undoubtedly be cheaper. Drafting Mac Jones will be less of a cap hit. And maybe fishing around for some other unforeseen option will produce a surprise. But Belichick turns 69 in April. The compound in Nantucket and relaxing afternoons on his fishing boat can’t be confined to the summer break forever. And if we didn’t learn it in 2020, we’ll never learn it: You can’t compete or even rebuild anymore with middling quarterbacks. Another hopeful veteran reclamation is asking for another Cam Newton disappointment, punctuated this season when the elite QBs dominated the conference title games.

And lest we forget, Tom Brady’s week is coming up. If there was ever a week to feel motivated to resolve the quarterback spot in New England, this is it. Oh, and probably next season, too, given that it appears Brady and his new Tampa Bay Buccaneers family is committed to 2021 as well.

While it wouldn’t be Belichick’s style to be driven to make a personnel move based on the post-Patriots success of Brady, it absolutely would be his style to recognize Watson for what he is. And that’s a brand of special that makes him a top-five quarterback. Belichick himself has said it in the past, making comments similar to those that endeared him to Newton when Newton was at his best.

“Deshaun’s a very talented player — certainly one of the top players in the league at his position that we’ve faced,” Belchick said on a conference call with Houston before facing Watson and the Texans in 2019. “[He] does a great job on the deep ball, has very good touch and accuracy, is a good decision maker — obviously very athletic kid that can do a lot. … He’s a very good passer. [He] can extend plays and make throws out of pocket, make throws in the pocket. And if he has to run the ball to convert a third down, he is certainly capable of doing that.”

Belichick’s praise of Watson doesn’t mean everything, of course. He compliments good players all the time who he’d never try to acquire in a frenzied trade market. And Watson doesn’t fit the bargain shopping that Belichick likes to engage in. But every once in a while, if a player is special, Belichick will go outside his habitual structure and reach for a difference-making talent. He did it for Stephon Gilmore, when the price tag in free agency was as high as it could be. He did it for Antonio Brown, when the chemistry risk was through the roof. And he did it for Darrelle Revis when it was a rental situation that made sense inside the championship window. All of which shows that there are acquisitions for all seasons, even with someone who tends to play it close to the vest more than most.

Belichick’s history of incoming trades is one of yielding fairly good results for very reasonable draft compensation. Guys like Randy Moss, Wes Welker and Aqib Talib were basically bargains in terms of the draft picks surrendered. If anything, Belichick has shown a far more significant propensity to send players away for high picks than to bring them in. But with someone like Watson on the board, this could be an exception.

We’d be remiss to forget the Patriots have spent some serious draft picks for someone special. It just wasn’t a player. It was Belichick himself — for a league-stimulated first-, fourth- and seventh-round picks, which is probably one of the greatest deals in NFL history, let alone the Patriots franchise. Twenty-one years later this month, there’s an opportunity on the table to at least make the call for what would immediately slot as the second greatest deal in Patriots history. Maybe it would take a blowout deal, including a multitude of first-round picks and maybe a few probing young players. Maybe it would take a call to Watson himself, in hopes that he would waive his no-trade clause to go play for another coach who has some hallmarks of O’Brien when it comes to making football more of a job than a fun career endeavor.

It might be a low percentage shot that requires more than New England is willing or capable of surrendering. But if 2020 taught the franchise anything, it’s that special comes around only once in a long, long time at quarterback. Letting it go can be as costly as watching it flourish in the Super Bowl only one year later. And there’s no better way to respond to that new piece of information than by taking a shot that might set the franchise’s future in place long enough to move it past Tom Brady, rather than fumbling for years beneath the shadow he’ll cast for years to come.

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GOP senators balk at $1.9 trillion price tag for Biden’s COVID-19 bill

Washington — Some Republican senators have expressed concerns about the $1.9 trillion price tag on President Biden’s proposal for a new coronavirus relief bill, as congressional Democrats consider pursuing a procedure to pass the legislation without any Republican votes.

Congress passed a $900 billion relief bill late last month, but Mr. Biden and congressional Democrats have argued more action is necessary to stabilize the economy. Republicans have noted that not all of the funds provided by that act have been distributed.

“The administration sent up a proposal of $1.9 trillion, weeks after we just passed $900 billion that hasn’t been accounted for yet,” GOP Senator Rob Portman told reporters on Tuesday. He argued that some provisions in Mr. Biden’s bill, such as raising the minimum wage to $15 per hour and providing funds for cybersecurity, were unrelated to the pandemic.

Senator Rob Portman, a Republican from Ohio, speaks to members of the media while walking through the Senate Subway at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on Tuesday, January 26, 2021.

Sarah Silbiger/Bloomberg via Getty Images


Democrats have the narrowest possible majority in the House with 50 seats, and Vice President Kamala Harris casting any tie-breaking vote. Most legislation requires 60 votes in order end debate and set up a full vote on the Senate floor. This means that Democrats will need to garner support from 10 Republicans, unless they choose to use a method of passing legislation known as budget reconciliation, which only requires a simple majority vote.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said on Tuesday that he told fellow Democrats they should be prepared to vote on a budget resolution as early as next week, which would be the first step in beginning the budget reconciliation process.

“Our caucus is united in that we need big bold change,” Schumer told reporters. However, he said “we’re always hopeful that [Republicans will] see the light,” and noted that Republicans could vote in favor of the proposal even if they do go forward with budget reconciliation.

Senator Bernie Sanders, the chair of the Senate Budget Committee, said that Democrats were already working on writing legislation for budget reconciliation.

“We’re working on it right now,” Sanders said. “I think there is a consensus. If Republicans are not prepared to come on board, that’s fine. We’re not going to wait. We’re going forward soon and aggressively.”

Republican Senator Todd Young told reporters Monday he does not think there will be a bipartisan COVID deal unless “there is significant movement by the administration.” Mr. Biden has promised to work with Republicans, and Portman said on Tuesday that it would be a “big mistake” for Democrats to use budget reconciliation rather than attempt to negotiate with Republicans to craft bipartisan legislation. 

“I think really it’s going to be the White House and the Democrats’ call as to whether they want to work with a bipartisan team to improve the legislation or whether they want to push through a reconciliation, a bill which came with only one party participating,” Republican Senator Mitt Romney told reporters on Tuesday.

A bipartisan group of 16 senators spoke with Biden administration officials on Sunday to discuss coronavirus legislation. The one hour and 15 minute call was set up by moderate Democratic Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia.

Although some participants called the meeting “productive” and a good first step, Republican Senator Susan Collins, who attended the meeting, called it “premature” to be discussing legislative action of this size and scope. She said she would be suggesting a more “targeted” package, especially focusing on vaccine distribution.

Collins said she received more information about the proposal from the White House on Monday, but still needed further details.

“The administration is sending and has sent us some data to give us further details on the specifics of its package. We just got that and are starting to go through it. So, that’s a good step, but there’s still not been an answer to the question of the money that still is yet to be allocated,” Collins told reporters on Tuesday.

Democrats still haven’t ruled out using budget reconciliation to pass coronavirus relief. Lawmakers “have to get it done,” Democratic Senator Amy Klobuchar said on Tuesday.

“I will not let America’s unemployed folks at a time when the numbers are spiking be pushed off an economic cliff,” Democratic Senator Ron Wyden told reporters on Monday.

Jack Turman contributed reporting.

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Did Rex Ryan Make Valid Point About Tom Brady, Bill Belichick?

It’s been debated all season.

Even more so now that Tom Brady and the Tampa Bay Buccaneers are playing in Super Bowl LV, while Bill Belichick and the New England Patriots are sitting at home after an underwhelming 2020 campaign.

Who’s more responsible for the Patriots’ dynasty: Brady or Belichick?

One could argue Brady has settled the argument with his stellar performance as Tampa Bay’s quarterback. But let’s look at the Brady-Belichick connection through a different lens, namely as it relates to the allure of playing for New England, still coached by Belichick.

For years, players across the NFL wanted to play for the Patriots, the league’s most successful franchise. Now, that trend might come to a screeching halt with Brady no longer in New England.

Rex Ryan, former head coach of the New York Jets and Buffalo Bills, argued Sunday before the Bucs’ NFC Championship Game win over the Green Bay Packers that Brady, not Belichick, always was the big draw in Foxboro.

“I just gotta say this: You guys are missing it. Nobody wanted to go to New England to be coached by Bill Belichick. They wanted to play with Tom Brady,” Ryan said on ESPN’s “NFL Countdown.” “I mean, part of it is Belichick, but to play with Tom Brady. Why? That’s why you’re gonna win! And no quarterback was wanting to go to New England, I can assure you that.”

Does Rex have a point?

Brady’s arrival in Tampa Bay sure signaled a positive culture shift for the Bucs organization. Suddenly, the once-lousy franchise became a desirable destination. Call it the TB12 effect.

The question is whether the opposite ultimately will be said for New England, where Brady’s exit leaves Belichick as the team’s primary attraction.

The Patriots’ roster desperately needs a facelift, especially at the quarterback position, and playing for Belichick might not seem as appealing to free agents and potential trade targets as it once did.

Thumbnail photo via
Mark J. Rebilas/USA TODAY Sports Images



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Biden open to breaking his immigration bill into pieces

But the main objective is progress. And if that means moving components of reform through Congress one at a time, or in smaller packages, Biden will be fine with that, two sources close to the White House said.

“It’s not an all-or-nothing approach,” said one source with knowledge of the White House discussions. “We aren’t saying you have to pass the Biden bill. But we are saying this is what we want to do and we are planning to move legalization forward.”

Biden’s immigration plan was an aggressive opening salvo embraced by the base, while Republicans, not surprisingly, gave it a cool reception. Some on the Hill privately questioned if Biden was simply checking a box to appease activists. Immigrant advocates, for their part, say they have no reason to believe — at this point — that Biden’s bill is ceremonial. But they warn that if substantial immigration reforms don’t reach his desk by the end of the year, Democrats and Biden would not only face an uproar from Dreamers and grassroots organizers — but the party could suffer politically as well.

“I want to be clear: There is nothing about the way they are behaving right now that suggests it is not a priority,” said Lorella Praeli, president of Community Change Action, a progressive grassroots group. “And in the event that it were not [a priority], they will lose the majority in 2022.”

Biden’s proposal, introduced hours after he was sworn in, includes a pathway to citizenship for 11 million undocumented immigrants, expanded refugee resettlement and more technology deployed to the border. Though he is leaving Congress to hash out the mechanics of passing his immigration plan, he’s also moving ahead with a slate of executive actions on Friday. Among the orders in the works are one that restores asylum protections and another that creates a task force to reunify families separated at the border.

Taken together, Biden’s legislative immigration plan and swift unilateral actions present a clear departure from the last time a Democrat was in the White House. At a minimum, Biden seems keen to avoid the missteps during former President Barack Obama’s first term, when Democrats controlled both chambers, but Obama didn’t pursue comprehensive immigration reform. Rather than wait until after the 2022 midterms or into a second term, Biden sent his plan to the Hill immediately.

“People forget that in 2009 and 2010 that the Obama administration was in the exact same situation and did not introduce an immigration bill,” said Leon Fresco, an immigration attorney who worked in the Obama administration and sits on a Department of Homeland Security advisory board.

“For the next decade, people criticized the Obama administration for not having introduced a bill when they had control of the Senate and the House,” Fresco added. “Joe Biden is simply not going to repeat that mistake.”

As sources close to the administration put it, Biden wanted to make his immigration priorities clear, even if the process of getting passed into law will be arduous.

“He’s not starting at the 50-yard line” with a moderate proposal like Obama did, said the source close to the White House.

A White House official disputes that Biden is deferring to Congress and says the president is working with lawmakers to pass the larger bill. That proposal includes elements the president feels weren’t effectively addressed previously as the Trump administration’s policy was centered around building a border wall, the official said. “We expect elected officials from both sides of the aisle to come to the table so we can finally get this done,” the official said.

Additionally, other sources close to the White House and a number of immigrant advocates said Democrats must frame any immigration push as vital to the country’s economic recovery. But while the administration is actively monitoring and engaged in the reform effort, it’s stepping back while Congress works out the actual legislative language.

“We’re not going to just enforce our will,” Cedric Richmond, director of White House Office of Public Engagement said during an event with POLITICO last week. Congress should view Biden’s bill as “a statement of priority,” he said, but they have to “buy into it.”

Biden’s first priority is an immediate coronavirus response and related stimulus negotiations. Still, they’re holding briefings with Hill Democrats on immigration reform. White House policy advisers have held calls with Hispanic Caucus offices and chiefs for Border members.

“We would like to see them move forward quickly,” White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said of congressional action on Biden’s immigration proposal last week.

Most lawmakers and staff who spoke to POLITICO say they think Biden is serious.

Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) described passing a comprehensive reform bill as a “herculean task.” But the Biden administration “will put political capital on the table to make it happen,” he said on a call with immigrant and labor advocates last week.

Undoubtedly the divisiveness stoked under former President Donald Trump is going to make cross-party support for any major immigration bill hard to come by. As one House chief of staff put it, “there really is no room for error.”

Despite early pushback from some Republicans, Menendez is optimistic more will come to the table. He’s spoken with Sen. Lindsey Graham, who in 2013 supported comprehensive reform, and Menendez thinks the South Carolina Republican will ultimately support reform measures. Menendez has not spoken to Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla) about the bill yet, but he’s talked to other Republicans who voted in favor of the effort in 2013. The additional Republicans still in office that supported immigration reform under Obama are Sens. John Hoeven (N.D.), Lisa Murkowski (Alaska) and Susan Collins (Maine).

Menendez and a number of other Democratic lawmakers said they want to push a large immigration package at once, hopeful that it will provide more leverage in negotiations. But the realities of a split Senate make it harder, and other senators like Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin—who will be tasked with shepherding any immigration reforms through the Senate Judiciary Committee—have left the door open to a more step by step approach.

Though talks are early and fluid, some House members working on Biden’s immigration proposal said during a recent meeting that they want to take a shot at a comprehensive bill first. But they said they’re open to breaking off individual pieces if the larger bill stalls, according to a source with knowledge of discussions. A sweeping package could meet fierce resistance in the 50-50 Senate if Democrats don’t eliminate the legislative filibuster or find ways to include immigration proposals in the budget reconciliation process.

If, in fact, Congress does decide to break the bill down into components, they may find that advocates are receptive to that approach.

That’s because those advocates are eyeing a ticking clock: Bills that were passed last Congress can be moved to the floor directly without having to go through committee if they are voted on before April 1. If brought to the floor before the deadline, certain bills, such as those providing a pathway for so-called Dreamers, temporary protective status holders and Deferred Enforced Departure holders from war- and disaster-ravaged countries could move through the House more quickly.

“Certainly Democrats should do the work to build support for the president’s larger-scale reform proposal,” said Tom Jawetz, vice president of immigration policy at the Center for American Progress. “But they can’t let any opportunity pass or any legislative tool go unused.” That includes using reconciliation to provide permanent protections for essential workers and their family members on the coronavirus relief and economic recovery packages currently in the works, he said.

Jawetz and other advocates have urged Democrats in Congress to take wins where they can get them, saying it could build goodwill and an appetite for even more action.

If Democrats don’t begin moving those components this spring then “there will be a lot of backlash coming because everyone knows that this is the moment,” said Marshall Fitz, managing director of immigration for the Emerson Collective, a social justice organization.

So far, advocates are taking Biden at his word, saying they have no reason to believe he sent his immigration bill to Congress on Day One simply as a symbolic gesture. Still, they’re watching closely and mounting pressure campaigns that include digital ad buys and readying grassroots organizing, to ensure Congress acts decisively. A number of immigrant rights groups are also participating in regular briefings with House staff.

“[We can] be cynical or skeptical about what the likelihood of Republicans coming to the table on some of this might be,” Fitz said. “But I think Biden really legitimately does want to see how far he can go.”

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Harriet Tubman $20 Bill Redesign to be Accelerated by Biden Administration

President Biden’s Treasury Department is studying ways to speed up the process of adding Harriet Tubman’s portrait to the front of the $20 bill after the Trump administration allowed the Obama-era initiative to lapse, Jen Psaki, the White House press secretary, said on Monday.

The decision to have Ms. Tubman replace Andrew Jackson as the face of the $20 note was set in motion in 2016 by the Treasury secretary at the time, Jacob Lew. President Donald J. Trump opposed the idea, and his Treasury secretary, Steven Mnuchin, stopped work on that part of the currency redesign, arguing that adding new security features to the money was a more urgent priority. Mr. Mnuchin said that notes with new imagery could not be put into circulation until 2028 and that a future Treasury secretary would make the call whether to replace Jackson.

The Treasury Department, which Mr. Biden has nominated Janet L. Yellen to lead, plans to accelerate that timeline.

“The Treasury Department is taking steps to resume efforts to put Harriet Tubman on the front of the new $20 notes,” Ms. Psaki said. “It’s important that our money reflect the history and diversity of our country.”

Mr. Trump professed to be a fan Andrew Jackson, a fellow populist, and was a fierce opponent of altering historical images and statues.

Mr. Mnuchin’s decision to slow-walk the change drew backlash from some Democrats in Congress and triggered a probe from the Treasury inspector general about whether the process faced improper political interference. The inquiry found no wrongdoing by Mr. Mnuchin.

Under Mr. Lew’s plan, the new design was supposed to be unveiled in 2020 on the centennial of the 19th Amendment, which granted women the right to vote.

Preliminary designs of the note that were obtained by The New York Times revealed that —before Mr. Trump took office — conceptual work on a bill bearing Tubman’s likeness on the front and a statue of Jackson on the back was already underway.

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Celtics’ Jaylen Brown makes NBA history with big performance, gets a shout-out from Bill Russell

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With Jayson Tatum sidelined due to COVID-19, the Boston Celtics had a tough week that included back-to-back losses to their Eastern Conference rivals, the Philadelphia 76ers. But on Sunday, they bounced back in a major way, beating the Cleveland Cavaliers 141-103 to get back in the win column. 

They did so in large part thanks to Jaylen Brown, who continued his breakout season with a game-high 33 points on a highly efficient 13-of-20 from the field. It’s impressive any time you score that many points, but even more so when you do it in just 19 minutes. 

With the Celtics in complete control pretty much right from the opening tip, head coach Brad Stevens took advantage of an opportunity to get his starters some extra rest, so Brown didn’t even check in for the fourth quarter. As a result, he set a new record for the most points scored in fewer than 20 minutes in an NBA game since the start of the shot clock era began back in 1954. 

Brown, who also set a new personal best with his fourth straight game of at least 25 points, is now averaging career-highs in both scoring and assists, and is putting up 27.3 points, 5.8 rebounds and 3.5 assists per game on 53.2 percent shooting. He’s made huge strides in multiple aspects of his game, and his efforts are being recognized. 

After Sunday’s game, he earned a shoutout from one of Boston’s all-time legends: Bill Russell. The 11-time champion took to Twitter — which he’s surprisingly active on for an 86 year old — to write, “Great playing tonight @FCHWPO keep it going.”

A win, a record and a message from a Hall of Famer. It doesn’t get better than that. 

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