Tag Archives: Ahmed

Riz Ahmed Calls for End to Israel’s “Indiscriminate Bombing of Gaza’s Civilians” and “Morally Indefensible War Crimes” – Hollywood Reporter

  1. Riz Ahmed Calls for End to Israel’s “Indiscriminate Bombing of Gaza’s Civilians” and “Morally Indefensible War Crimes” Hollywood Reporter
  2. Riz Ahmed Calls For An End To The “Indiscriminate Bombing Of Gaza’s Civilians” & “Forced Displacement”: “These Are Morally Indefensible War Crimes” Deadline
  3. Riz Ahmed Calls for ‘End to the Indiscriminate Bombing of Gaza’s Civilians’ Amid Israel-Hamas Conflict: ‘These Are Morally Indefensible War Crimes’ Variety
  4. Hollywood celebrities, musicians speak out on Gaza Arab News
  5. Oscar winner Riz Ahmed accuses Israel of ‘morally indefensible war crimes’ The Independent
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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Murdered in cold blood: 10 things to know about slain gangster-turned-politician Atiq Ahmed – Deccan Herald

  1. Murdered in cold blood: 10 things to know about slain gangster-turned-politician Atiq Ahmed Deccan Herald
  2. Atiq Ahmed: The brazen murder of an Indian mafia don-turned-politician BBC
  3. Yogi’s Police expose Atiq Ahmed’s ISI, Lashkar links | Turkish gun from Pak used to kill don Hindustan Times
  4. The ‘suraksha’ story: How police encounters are justified in Uttar Pradesh The Indian Express
  5. Express View: When a state celebrates a police killing in cold blood, it thumbs its nose at the court and corrodes justice The Indian Express
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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Tried to capture Asad Ahmed, his aide alive, they opened indiscriminate fire: UP Police FIR – Indiatimes.com

  1. Tried to capture Asad Ahmed, his aide alive, they opened indiscriminate fire: UP Police FIR Indiatimes.com
  2. Suspicious Women In Burqa Wants To Enter Cemetery To Pay Her Respect To Asad Dead Body India Today
  3. Gangster-turned-politician Atiq Ahmed’s son Asad buried in UP’s Prayagraj amid heavy security The Tribune India
  4. Asad’s aide Ghulam Mohammed’s mother: ‘Will not receive his body, action taken by the government is absolutely correct’ Times of India
  5. The ‘suraksha’ story: How police encounters are justified in Uttar Pradesh The Indian Express
  6. View Full Coverage on Google News

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Ali Ahmed Aslam, ‘Chicken Tikka Masala’ Inventor Dies At 77

Mr Aslam with his signature dish in 2009 (Picture credit: AFP)

A chef from Glasgow, Ali Ahmed Aslam who is credited with inventing the ‘chicken tikka masala’ has died at the age of 77. 

Ali Ahmed Aslam’s death was announced by his Shish Mahal restaurant in Glasgow, which closed for 48 hours as a mark of respect, reported The Guardian.  The eatery announced: “Hey, Shish Snobs … Mr Ali passed away this morning … We are all absolutely devastated and heartbroken.”

He invented the dish by improvising a sauce made from a tin of tomato soup at his restaurant Shish Mahal in the 1970s, died on Monday morning, his nephew Andleeb Ahmed told AFP.

“He would eat lunch in his restaurant every day,” Ahmed said.

“The restaurant was his life. The chefs would make curry for him. I am not sure if he often ate chicken tikka masala.”

Ahmed said his uncle was a perfectionist and highly driven. 

“Last year he was unwell and I went to see him in hospital on Christmas Day,” Ahmed said.

“His head was slumped down. I stayed for 10 minutes. Before I left, he lifted his head and said you should be at work.” 

In an interview with AFP in 2009, Ali said he came up with the recipe for chicken tikka masala after a customer complained that his chicken tikka was too dry.

“Chicken tikka masala was invented in this restaurant, we used to make chicken tikka, and one day a customer said, ‘I’d take some sauce with that, this is a bit dry’,” Ali said.

“We thought we’d better cook the chicken with some sauce. So from here, we cooked chicken tikka with a sauce that contains yogurt, cream, and spices.”

The dish went on to become the most popular dish in British restaurants.

Although it is difficult to prove definitively where the dish originated, it is generally regarded as a curry adapted to suit Western tastes.

Ali said the chicken tikka masala is prepared according to customer taste.

“Usually they don’t take hot curry, that’s why we cook it with yoghurt and cream,” he said.

Supporters of the campaign to grant the dish protected status point to the fact that former foreign minister Robin Cook once described it as a crucial part of British culture.

“Chicken tikka masala is now a true British national dish, not only because it is the most popular, but because it is a perfect illustration of the way Britain absorbs and adapts external influences,” Cook said in a 2001 speech on British identity.

Ali, originally from Punjab province in Pakistan, moved with his family to Glasgow as a young boy before opening Shish Mahal in Glasgow’s west end in 1964.

He said he wanted the dish to be a gift to Glasgow, to give something back to his adopted city.

In 2009, he campaigned unsuccessfully for the dish to be granted “Protected Designation of Origin” status by the European Union, alongside the likes of Champagne, Parma Ham and Greek Feta cheese.

MP Mohammad Sarwar tabled a motion in the House of Commons in 2009 calling for EU protection.

Ali leaves a wife, three sons and two daughters.

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Ms Marvel Episode 4 Recap: Seeing Red

The Red Dagger and Ms. Marvel team up.
Image: Marvel Studios

Last we left Ms. Marvel’s Kamala Khan (Iman Vellani), her fight with the reckless ClanDestine and the apparent revelation that she inherited her power from Djinn left her very shaken. To rattle her world further, her grandmother Sana (Samina Ahmad) implored her to go to Karachi. Not only did Kamala see the vision of the Partition-era Karachi train when Najma (Nimra Bucha) grabbed her bangle, but so did her grandmother? What’s so imperative about this that she must travel all the way to Pakistan?

We immediately open the episode showing Kamala on a plane going into Karachi with her mother Muneeba (Zenobia Shroff), whom she has some lingering tension with from last week’s wedding. Muneeba has acceded to her mother’s demands that they both travel to Pakistan, at least–she might have lingering tension as well with her own mother, but she’s a devoted daughter first. Kamala’s cousins Zainab and Owais (Vardah Aziz and Asfandyar Khan, respectively) welcome them at the airport near the crack of dawn, along with her Nani Sana, who sweetly embraces her and Muneeba, as she is just coming from a party. But of course, she has to note that Muneeba’s skin is dry. Alas, the standards are always too high in Asian families.

They arrive at Sana’s (large) house, where Sana shows Kamala her art room. She has painted and drawn many pieces of art borne out of the trauma of Partition. It’s a resonant scene as Ahmed masterfully gives a nuanced and poignant performance–but we have to interrupt this grounded resonance when Kamala brings up the bangle to her, and Sana casually says that she is indeed a Djinn, or at least, that’s the story Sana’s father told her as a child. Kamala immediately speaks for me when she responds “How are you so casual about this?”

Image: Marvel Studios

But Sana seems to have always taken it in stride. “It’s just genetics,” she says, and that the only important thing about the bangle is how it saved her life as a child during Partition. She implores Kamala to figure out what the meaning is of the vision of the train, more to Kamala’s frustration, as Vellani continues to be a powerhouse in her first acting role. But her grandmother reassures her that she’ll be able to figure out the puzzle, even if there are so many pieces. Kamala then goes to a restaurant with her cousins and mom, meeting up with Auntie Rukhsana. Afterwards, as Kamala goes through a bazaar with her cousins, she learns about the first residences made for immigrants and refugees from India during Partition. Through Pakistani director Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy’s eyes, we get to see her home country in a beautiful light, bustling with people simply living their lives, making delicious food and clothing, and overall being welcoming. But Kamala wants to go to the train station to investigate the vision (not telling her cousins) and decides to go ahead without them and meet up later.

As Kamala arrives at the station, she puts her domino mask on, and almost immediately a dagger flies past her head and lands on a wall painting of Ant-Man. We then meet Kareem, aka Red Dagger (Aramis Knight), who says he’s been searching for her, and found her because he sensed her “Noor,” the essence Najma told her about in the last episode. They then immediately get into a fight, and Kamala seems to display some more prowess with her powers, even using her hard light projections to block a dagger. She finds that he knows about the ClanDestine and Aisha, and then they start working together and escape from the police coming to break up their brawl. Red Dagger takes Kamala through a restaurant to the Red Daggers’ (plural) hideout. It’s a gorgeous turquoise hideout filled with beautiful Pakistani architecture. Usually, they wouldn’t bring in an outsider, but Waleed (Farhan Akhtar) says that he must invite a descendant of Aisha’s. Apparently, Aisha’s story is of legend to the Red Daggers. They’re an ancient order whose purpose is “To protect our people from threats of the unseen.”

Image: Marvel Studios

Comic fans will know the Red Dagger (Laal Khanjeer in Urdu)/Kareem quite well. He’s one of Kamala’s love interests that she meets on her trip to Karachi. Kareem was never part of an ancient order as it’s portrayed here though; he came up with the persona of Red Dagger himself, and learned his moves via YouTube. He’s like Kamala in that they both are teens amateurly figuring out this hero thing. But he also serves as an interesting contrast to her own conduct as a hero. When she tries to intervene to help as Ms. Marvel, he lets her know that she doesn’t know enough about the situation in Karachi to help. She might be Pakistani, but she’s also American, and didn’t grow up in Pakistan as he did. It’s a fascinating and nuanced showing of the difference between diaspora and resident Pakistanis, as Kamala learns that she can’t know everything about a supposedly “criminal” situation, and that’s OK. What’s important is that she listens and learns. It would be interesting if the show introduced this angle for our young hero but we may simply not have time this season for it. Due to, you know, the Noor Dimension.

Image: Mirka Andolfo, Ian Herring, and Joe Caramagna/Marvel Comics

But back to said show. These threats the Red Daggers face include the ClanDestine, who, as Waleed says, are not like the Djinn any of us have heard about in stories or religious texts, and says that if Thor landed in the Himalayan mountains, “he too would have been called a Djinn.” Which is a roundabout way of saying, none of these brown or Muslim people are actually Djinn! Huzzah! But this also begs the question, if we were going to bring up Djinn at all, why toss the concept away so quickly and leave Muslim viewers to still have to deal with this discomfort? It remains a puzzling choice for episode three, “Destined” and I wish the show had never brought them up at all if the concept of Djinn wasn’t going to be a throughline anyway. While I understand what the creators were going for through including this discomfort for Kamala and some viewers to ultimately get a (relatively quick) release, I still hold that this aspect just wasn’t needed for the show with the first headlining Muslim superhero. It ended up not really going anywhere and seemed to only make Muslim viewers understandably uncomfortable.

Image: Marvel Studios

Waleed further explains that the ClanDestines and Aisha are indeed from another dimension, among many unseen, showing Kamala a map of their plane of existence. He then shows her “wall of Noor” that separates their realm from the ClanDestine dimension, which is also powered by Noor. If the ClanDestine get what they want with the bangle opening the wall of their dimension, they’ll unleash their world onto ours until it completely overtakes it. Definitely not advisable, as Waleed says, who further notes to Kamala that the inscription on the bangle says “What you seek is seeking you.” Meanwhile, back in the U.S. at the Department of Damage Control (DODC) max security prison, we see Kamran and the ClanDestine being abused by prison guards–only for them all to quickly overwhelm their captors and escape. Kamran is knocked out in the process, but the real hurt comes when he comes to, as Najma decides that the other ClanDestine should abandon him for previously trying to help Kamala. Ouch!

Back in Karachi, Kamala meets Sana on the rooftop of the house during the Call to Prayer. As Kamala expresses doubt about what she’s finding on her journey, Sana sweetly notes to her “Even at my age, I’m still trying to figure out who I am. My passport is Pakistani, my roots are in India,” and notes that this is all due to British colonization anyway: “There is a border marked with blood and pain,” she says. “People are claiming their identity based on an idea some old Englishman had when they were fleeing the country.” Samina Ahmad is an amazing actress who brings a real majesty to the show and wonderful interactions with Kamala, and the best scenes in this episode are undoubtedly between granddaughter and grandmother. Anything otherworldly can wait, to be honest, as the show consistently shows that it’s strongest in its nuanced and humanistic moments with family and friends.

Image: Marvel Studios

Kareem (as a civilian) takes Kamala to meet his friends on a beach around a fire, where they have biryani (aka, a perfect food). Kamala worries if it’s too spicy, but thankfully it’s not, and she gets to enjoy her time making some resident Pakistani friends as one of them sings beautifully in Urdu. Again, these interpersonal moments are where the show works best. But back at Sana’s house, Muneeba and her mother finally start to work through their issues. Muneeba reveals that part of the reason she left for America was because she was “continuously shunned by the neighbors because of my crazy mother and her wild theories,” and that she ultimately felt abandoned in a way with her mother’s obsessions. While Shroff once again gives a compelling performance, I’m not sure why Sana espousing these theories to the degree that her family is shunned and her mother ignored her because of them entirely makes sense. Maybe there’s more to the story? But for now, it’s puzzlingly left untouched outside of Muneeba’s comment. That said, it at least concludes with another great moment between Kamala and her mother sharing toffees, and the catharsis of having confronted Sana lets Muneeba strengthen her relationship with her own daughter.

After spending time with her mother Kamala returns to the Red Dagger hideout, where Waleed says that her genetics could be the answer to why she can “shape the Noor” in our dimension. He then gives Kamala a vest that she’ll presumably use to make her costume–only for the moment to be interrupted when the ClanDestine attack, looking to steal Kamala’s bangle! We still have no idea what the rush is to open the dimension but they really want it regardless. Kamala escapes from them with Waleed and Kareem, but they come in hot pursuit on the streets of Karachi where Kamala succeeds in using her Noor powers to avoid hitting a family and derails one of the ClanDestine’s trucks. Tragically, Najma kills Waleed as he protects Kamala and Kareem, and they make a final stand against them. Kamala seems far more skilled in using her powers, as opposed to the last fight. But not even that can stop Najma–even as Kareem gets the upper hand against the ClanDestine, Najma manages to stab Kamala’s bangle with a knife, immersing her back into the vision of the train… except it’s no longer a vision, and Kamala has fully landed back in Partition-era India! It’s an incredibly harrowing scene and nothing like has ever been on Disney+, let alone Marvel’s series for the platform, with huge crowds of people desperately clamoring onto the last train to Karachi. That’s where the episode ends, and I can only hope that we see the depiction of this traumatic time period handled well and with care next week.

Image: Marvel Studios

“Seeing Red” is a mostly compelling episode that shines most when it focuses (once again) on the intimate and nuanced moments between Kamala and her family. This is where the show is at its strongest, particularly in this episode’s context of explaining the traumas of Partition and the lingering effects it has on Sana and her family. While some of the scenes with the Red Daggers were sweet and fun, the exposition on the “Noor dimension” tended to sink rather than swim, and the ClanDestine’s rush to open a door to it still makes little sense. It’s easy to feel whiplash with this show, appreciating it for its nuanced depictions of Pakistani and Muslim culture, but then feel disoriented by the over-exposition on the apparent sources of Kamala’s powers. Hopefully next week the answers become clearer and more grounded as Kamala’s relationships with her family and friends.


Want more io9 news? Check out when to expect the latest Marvel and Star Wars releases, what’s next for the DC Universe on film and TV, and everything you need to know about House of the Dragon and Lord of the Rings: The Rings of Power.

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Riz Ahmed sports a stylish look with a Pakistani kurta and a suit

Riz Ahmed sports a stylish look with a Pakistani kurta and a suit at the Los Angeles premiere of his new Amazon film Encounter










Riz Ahmed paid homage to his Pakistani culture with a stylish look at the Los Angeles premiere of his new film Encounter.

The 39-year-old actor was spotted posing with co-stars such as Octavia Spencer and Janina Gavankar at the event, held at the Directors Guild of America on Thursday.

The film, following two brothers traveling with their father on the brink of an alien attack, debuts on Amazon Prime Video December 10.

Riz’s look: Riz Ahmed paid homage to his Pakistani culture with a stylish look at the Los Angeles premiere of his new film Encounter

Co-stars: The 39-year-old actor was spotted posing with co-stars such as Octavia Spencer and Janina Gavankar at the event, held at the Directors Guild of America on Thursday

Ahmed, who was born in London to a Pakistani family, wore a stylish salmon kurta shirt which fell below his knees.

He wore than under a maroon suit coat, with the kurta falling below the knees of his maroon dress pants.

The actor completed his look with a pair of shiny black dress shoes as he hit the red carpet. 

Riz’s look: Ahmed, who was born in London to a Pakistani family, wore a stylish salmon kurta shirt which fell below his knees

Stylish: He wore than under a maroon suit coat, with the kurta falling below the knees of his maroon dress pants

The film also stars Octavia Spencer, Janina Gavankar, Rory Cochrane, Shane McRae and Keith Szarabajka.

The actor is coming off his film Mogul Mowgli, recently opening up in an interview with IndieWire about how he wouldn’t recommend the severe weight loss he endured for the film.

‘I lost [about 22 pounds] in three weeks. I wouldn’t recommend it to anyone,’ Riz said. 

Co-stars: The film also stars Octavia Spencer, Janina Gavankar, Rory Cochrane, Shane McRae and Keith Szarabajka

‘I had a professional dietician working with me, but it was really grueling and took me emotionally to an intense place, which probably informed the movie,’ Riz said.

‘That was a big part of it, being in a place of weakness and fatigue and insatiable hunger,’ he added, while revealing he got some advice from Daniel Kaluuya to put his weight loss in perspective. 

‘Dan Kaluuya said something I liked: ”If you’re in your head, you’re dead.” I think that’s true,’ Ahmed added.

Perspective: ‘That was a big part of it, being in a place of weakness and fatigue and insatiable hunger,’ he added, while revealing he got some advice from Daniel Kaluuya to put his weight loss in perspective

Acting has to be in your body. Anything that brings you into your body centers you, and you can perform in that place,’ Riz said.

The actor is getting ready to play Hamlet in a new modern-day adaptation of the William Shakespeare classic.

He is also slated to star in an adaptation of Mohsin Hamid’s novel Exit West for director Yann Demange. 

Center: Acting has to be in your body. Anything that brings you into your body centers you, and you can perform in that place,’ Riz said

New Hamlet: The actor is getting ready to play Hamlet in a new modern-day adaptation of the William Shakespeare classic

Coming soon: He is also slated to star in an adaptation of Mohsin Hamid’s novel Exit West for director Yann Demange

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From Nobel laureate to global pariah: How the world got Abiy Ahmed and Ethiopia so wrong

It was July 2018, just three months after Abiy Ahmed had been appointed leader of Africa’s second-most populous country, and his star was rising both at home and abroad. Excitement was surging into an almost religious fervor around the young politician, who promised to bring peace, prosperity and reconciliation to a troubled corner of Africa and a nation on the brink of crisis.

But even in those early, optimistic days of Abiy’s premiership, as he kickstarted a flurry of ambitious reforms — freeing thousands of political prisoners, lifting restrictions on the press, welcoming back exiles and banned opposition parties, appointing women to positions in his cabinet, opening up the country’s tightly-controlled economy to new investment and negotiating peace with neighboring Eritrea — Berhane Kidanemariam had his doubts.

The Ethiopian diplomat has known the prime minister for almost 20 years, forging a friendship when he worked for the governing coalition’s communications team and, later, as CEO of two state-run news organizations, while Abiy was in military intelligence and then heading Ethiopia’s cybersecurity agency, INSA. Before working for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kidanemariam ran the country’s national broadcaster, the EBC, and he said Abiy sat on its board of directors.

In a recent phone interview, Kidanemariam said he, like many Ethiopians, had hoped Abiy could transform the nation’s fractious politics and usher in genuine democratic change. But he struggled to square his understanding of the man he’d first met in 2004 — who he described as power-hungry intelligence officer obsessed by fame and fortune — with the portrait emerging of a visionary peacemaker from humble beginnings.

In 2018, Kidanemariam was serving as Ethiopia’s consul general in Los Angeles and said he helped organize Abiy’s visit.

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.”

“One of the ironies of a prime minister who came to office promising unity is that he has deliberately exacerbated hatred between different groups,” Kidanemariam wrote in an open letter in March, announcing that he was quitting his post as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian embassy in Washington, DC, in protest over Abiy’s monthslong war in Tigray, which has spurred a refugee crisis, atrocities and famine.

Kidanemariam said to CNN he believed Abiy’s focus had never been about “reform or democracy or human rights or freedom of the press. It is simply consolidating power for himself, and getting money out of it … We may call it authoritarianism or dictatorship, but he is really getting to be a king.”

“By the way,” he added, “the problem is not only for Tigrayans. It’s for all Ethiopians. Everybody is suffering everywhere.”

In an email to CNN, Abiy’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, described Kidanemariam’s characterization of the prime minister as “baseless” and a “reflection.”

‘The epitome of hell’

Much has changed since Abiy accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in November 2019, telling an audience in Oslo, Norway, that “war is the epitome of hell.”
In less than two years, Abiy has gone from darling of the international community to pariah, condemned for his role in presiding over a protracted civil war that, by many accounts, bears the hallmarks of genocide and has the potential to destabilize the wider Horn of Africa region.

The 45-year-old’s fall from grace has confounded many observers, who wonder how they could have gotten him so wrong. But diplomats, analysts, independent Ethiopian journalists, acquaintances and others who have followed his career closely say that even at the height of “Abiymania,” there were warning signs.

Critics say that by blessing Abiy with an array of international endorsements, the West not only failed to see — or willfully ignored — those signals, but gave him a blank check and then turned a blind eye.

“Soon after Abiy was crowned with that Nobel Peace Prize, he lost an appetite in pursuing domestic reform,” Tsedale Lemma, founder and editor-in-chief of Addis Standard, an independent monthly news magazine based in Ethiopia, told CNN on a Skype call. “He considered it a blanket pass to do as he wishes.”

The war in Tigray is not the first time he’s used that pass, she said, adding that since Abiy came to power on the platform of unifying Ethiopia’s people and in its state, he has ruthlessly consolidated control and alienated critical regional players.

Lemma has covered Abiy’s rise for the Addis Standard — which was briefly suspended by Ethiopia’s media regulator in July — and was an early critic of his government when few were sounding the alarm. Days after Abiy was awarded the Nobel Prize, she wrote an editorial warning that the initiatives he had been recognized for — the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms in Ethiopia — had sidelined a key stakeholder, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and were in serious jeopardy.

The TPLF had governed Ethiopia with an iron grip for decades, overseeing a period of stability and economic growth at the cost of basic civil and political rights. The party’s authoritarian rule provoked a popular uprising that ultimately forced Abiy’s predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign. Abiy was appointed by the ruling class to bring change, without upending the old political order. But almost as soon as he came to power, Abiy announced the rearrangement of the ruling coalition that the TPLF had founded — the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, or EPRDF, which was composed of four parties — into a single, new Prosperity Party, ostracizing the TPLF in the process.

Abiy’s appointment had been intended to quell tensions. Instead, his drive for a new pan-Ethiopian political party sparked fears in some regions that the country’s federal system, which guarantees significant autonomy to ethnically-defined states, such as Tigray, was under threat.

The Tigrayans weren’t the only ones who were worried. In Abiy’s home region, Oromia, and other administrative zones, people began to demand self-rule. Soon, the government began backsliding into the authoritarian practices Abiy had once renounced: Violent crackdowns on protesters, the jailing of journalists and opposition politicians, and twice postponing elections.

Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow at Chatham House and an expert on the Horn of Africa, said Abiy’s reform plan also increased expectations among constituencies with conflicting agendas, further heightening tensions.

“Abiy and his government have rightly been blamed for implementing uneven reforms and for insecurity increasing throughout the country, but to an extent, some of that was inherited. These simmering ethnic and political divisions that exist in the country have very deep roots,” he said.

Tensions reached a boiling point last September, when the Tigrayans defied Abiy by holding a vote which had been delayed due to the pandemic, setting off a tit-for-tat series of recriminations that spilled into open conflict in November 2020.

This July, in the midst of the war, Abiy and his party won a landslide victory in a general election that was boycotted by opposition parties, marred by logistical issues and excluded many voters, including all those in Tigray — a crushing disappointment to many who had high hopes that the democratic transition Abiy promised three years ago would be realized.

“He sees himself as a Messiah, as chosen, as someone who’s destined to ‘Make Ethiopia Great Again,’ but this country is collapsing,” Lemma said, adding that the international community’s folly was falling for the picture Abiy painted of himself — “a post-ethnic, contemporary capitalist” — in their desperation for a dazzling success story.

‘A monumental failure of analysis’

Still, many Ethiopians are reluctant to lay the blame for the country’s unravelling at Abiy’s feet. Ahead of the election in June, residents in Addis Ababa told CNN they felt Abiy had inherited a mess from the previous regime and had always faced an uphill battle pushing reforms forward — an assessment shared by some regional experts.

“Lots of people were hopeful that the liberalizing changes, after those years of anti-government protests and all of the state violence in response, […] marked a moment where Ethiopia would start to conduct its politics more peacefully. But that thinking glossed over some of the major problems and contradictions in Ethiopia,” said William Davidson, senior Ethiopia analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“There was always a massive challenge ahead for Abiy, and for everyone. Just the promise of a more pluralistic political system did nothing necessarily to resolve the clashing nationalisms, opposing visions, and bitter political rivalries.”

In recent months, Abiy has tried to dodge international condemnation by pledging to protect civilians, open up humanitarian access to stave off famine and kick out Eritrean troops, who have supported Ethiopian forces in the conflict and stand accused of some of the most horrifying of the many atrocities in Tigray — pledges that American officials say he has not delivered on. After the United States issued sanctions in May, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry accused it of meddling in the country’s internal affairs and misunderstanding the significant challenges on the ground.

As the tide of international opinion has turned against Abiy, the prime minister’s office has maintained he is not concerned about his deteriorating reputation; his supporters have increasingly blamed the West for the crisis unfolding in the country. “The prime minister need not be a darling of the west, east, south or north,” Abiy’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told reporters in June. “It is sufficient that he stands for the people of Ethiopia and the development of the nation.”

But it is difficult to reconcile the government’s narrative with reality. Setting to one side the staggering loss of life and destruction inside Tigray, the war has eroded Abiy’s aggressive development plans and derailed the country’s economic trajectory, experts say. Ethiopia’s economy had grown at nearly 10% for the last decade, before slowing in 2020, dragged down by a combination of the Covid-19 pandemic, debt and conflict. The war has also drained national coffers, decimated a large slice of the country’s industry and eroded its reputation among foreign investors and financial institutions.

“From where I sit, I think there was a monumental failure of analysis, internationally,” Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based analyst and researcher who specializes in the Horn of Africa, said, including himself in that group. “I think people failed to apprehend the complex nature of Ethiopia’s transition, especially they failed to appreciate also the complex side of Abiy, that he was not all this sunny, smiling guy. That beneath was a much more calculating, and even Machiavellian figure, who eventually will I think push the country towards a much more dangerous path.”

“We should have begun to take notice of some of the red flags quite quickly. A lot of complacency is what got us here,” he added.

The seventh king of Ethiopia

During his inaugural address to parliament in 2018, Abiy made a point of thanking his mother, a Christian from the Amhara region, who he said had told him at the age of seven that, despite his modest background, he would one day be the seventh king of Ethiopia. The remark was met with a round of laughter from his cabinet members, but Abiy’s belief in his mother’s prophecy was no joke.

“In the initial stages of the war, actually, he spoke openly about how this was God’s plan, and that this was a kind of divine mission for him. This is a man who early in the morning, instead of meeting his top advisors, would meet with some of his spiritual advisers, these are pastors who are very powerful now in a sort of ‘kitchen cabinet,'” Abdi said.

But the most glaring of warning signs, by many accounts, was Abiy’s surprise allegiance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, for which he ultimately won the Nobel Prize.

Abiy’s critics say that what cemented his status as a peacemaker on the world stage was based on a farce, and that the alignment with Eritrea was yet another effort to consolidate his power, paving the way for the two sides to wage war against their mutual enemy, the TPLF. Soon after the Eritrea-Ethiopia border reopened in 2018, reuniting families after 20 years, it closed again. Three years on, Eritrean troops are operating with impunity in Tigray, and there is little sign of a durable peace.

In response, Abiy’s spokeswoman rejected this assertion, calling it a “toxic narrative.”

Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor of governance and migration at the European University Institute, who was skeptical of the peace deal early on — a deeply unpopular view at the time — believes the Nobel Committee’s endorsement of Abiy has contributed to the current conflict.

“I am of the strongest opinion that the Nobel Prize Committee is responsible for what is happening in Ethiopia, at least partially. They had reliable information; many experts sounded their early warning,” Mehari, who is from Tigray, told CNN.

“The Committee was basing its decision on a peace deal that we flagged for a false start, a peace that is not only achieved but perhaps unachievable and an agreement that was not meant for peace but actually for war. What he [Abiy] did with Isaias was not meant to bring peace. He knew that, Isaias knew that. They were working, basically, to execute a war, to sandwich Tigray from South and North carefully by ostracizing one political party first.”

The most palpable and lasting impact of the award, according to several analysts and observers, was a chilling effect on any criticism of Abiy.

The persona he cultivated, cemented in part through his many early accolades — being named African of the Year in 2018, one of Time’s 100 Most Influential People, and one of Foreign Policy’s 100 Global Thinkers in 2019 — captivated the imagination of Ethiopians, the country’s large diaspora and the world. Many now feel betrayed, having lost any optimism about the future of the country, but others are still intent on retaining that glittering image of Abiy, reluctant to see the writing on the wall.

“By the time the war started in November, the international community was extremely committed to the idea of Abiy Ahmed as a reformer still, and they didn’t want to give up on that,” said Goitom Gebreluel, a Horn of Africa researcher from Tigray, who was in Addis Ababa at the start of the conflict.

“I had meetings with various diplomats before the war and it was obvious that the war was coming, and what they were saying was, ‘you know, he still has this project, we have to let him realize his political vision,'” he said. “To this day, I think not everyone is convinced that this is an autocrat.”

Now, with Ethiopia facing a “man-made” famine and a war apparently without end, Abiy stands alone, largely isolated from the international community and with a shrinking cadre of allies.

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.”

“Like so many others who thought the prime minister had the potential to lead Ethiopia to a bright future, I am filled with despair and anguish at the direction he is taking our country.”

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Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed wins election in landslide amid Tigray conflict and voting fraud concerns

Abiy’s party is expected take more than 410 of the 546 parliamentary seats in the first round of the contest, Ethiopia’s sixth national election.

Abiy, 44, took office in April 2018 following the resignation of his predecessor, becoming the first Oromo person to lead the country.

Although he was a recipient of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize, his administration has garnered negative criticism during the past year for delaying elections twice and its military action in the Tigray region, where thousands of civilians are believed to have been killed.

Opposition movements have raised concerns about the integrity of the June 21 ballot, Ethiopia’s first multi-party election in 16 years, albeit one riven with conflict, jailed opposition figures and parts of the country unable to vote.

The US State Department said in a statement last month, before the vote. that it was “gravely concerned about the environment under which these upcoming elections” were to be held.

A similar statement from European Union countries said the vote was happening in “problematic conditions.”

Abiy dismissed those allegations on Twitter last month, calling the vote Ethiopia’s “first attempt at free and fair elections.”

Among the 47 parties participating in the general and regional elections, Abiy’s Prosperity Party led the chart on the number of registered candidates contesting for seats at the parliament with a total of 2,432 aspirants.

Thirty-seven million of Ethiopia’s 109 million citizens are registered to vote. However, many Ethiopians in conflict-ridden areas will have to wait until September 6 to cast their ballots when the second round of voting will be held.

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Ahmed Zaki Yamani: The Saudi oil minister behind the 1973 oil shock has died

Yamani became Saudi oil minister in 1962, a rare instance of someone from outside the Royal Family being promoted to such a position of influence. He would go on to drive Saudi Arabia’s emergence as an oil powerhouse over a period in office spanning nearly a quarter of a century.
It was in the 1970s that he became an international figure, reviled in the West for masterminding an oil embargo after the 1973 Arab-Israeli war. The Arab members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) cut off crude supplies to the United States and other industrialized nations as punishment for their support of Israel. In just a few months, the price of crude oil quadrupled from $3 a barrel to $12. Gasoline rationing was introduced in the United States, as well as a nationwide 55 mph speed limit on roads.

Looking back at the crisis, Yamani told CNN in 2010 that “the Arab oil [embargo] was meant, and I was behind it, not to hurt the economy, just to attract the international public opinion that [there] is a problem between the Palestinians and the Israelis.” Yamani’s stated goal at the time of the embargo was to force Israel to withdraw from occupied Palestinian territory.

But the rapid rise in oil prices was an enormous windfall for OPEC members. “Unfortunately, money is very attractive, members in OPEC, they love money and revenue. And this is why they push the price up as quickly as possible and they paid the price for what they did,” Yamani said.

The former oil minister told CNN that he didn’t regret the embargo. But he did have misgivings about OPEC’s subsequent efforts to dictate prices.

“I regret what OPEC did. You cannot really manage the price. It was a mismanagement of price, a mismanagement of power,” he added.

At that time, OPEC controlled about 80% of global output, a far cry from its diminished status today. (Based on its own forecasts for 2021, OPEC’s market share has shrunk to around 30%).The US State Department’s official history of the crisis says it “triggered a slew of US attempts to address the foreign policy challenges emanating from long-term dependence on foreign oil.” Those efforts included boosting domestic supply, and in 2019 the United States became the world’s biggest oil producer.

Urbane, elegant and fluent in English, Yamani attended Harvard Law School before being plucked from obscurity by the future King Faisal to lead the Saudi oil ministry. At the time, Saudi Arabia was a mid-ranking producer. Within a decade, it would be a behemoth. One of Yamani’s enduring achievements was to increase Saudi Arabia’s ownership of (and revenues from) the kingdom’s crude output, which had long been dominated by the western consortium that made up Aramco.

In 1975, Yamani witnessed the assassination of his mentor, King Faisal, by a disaffected prince.

It was a traumatic year for the young minister. On December 21, 1975, he and other OPEC oil ministers were taken hostage in Vienna by a group led by Carlos the Jackal, the most notorious international terrorist of the era. A statement from the attackers demanded a role “for the Arab people and other peoples of the third world” in dealing with oil resources.

The terrorists got the Austrian government to provide a plane to take them and several of the ministers to Algiers. Carlos planned to kill both Yamani and Iranian Oil Minister Jamshid Amuzegar but he ultimately agreed to release them after Algerian mediation.

Yamani’s fall from grace stemmed from King Fahd’s demand in 1986 that he secure an increase in Saudi Arabia’s export quota within OPEC — and get the cartel to set a price of $18 a barrel. He was unable to deliver the King’s goals and was dismissed soon afterward.

In his later years, Yamani said the price of oil had been distorted by speculation, leading to volatile swings. And it wasn’t just speculation. He told CNN: “Don’t forget that politics is important. Anything can happen and it can either ruin the oil business or bring it up.”

While remaining involved in the world of energy, Yamani also indulged his passion for watches, poetry and preserving Islamic texts. He was a deeply religious man and the son of a celebrated religious scholar.

Yamani exploited the opportunities of Saudi Arabia’s unique position as an energy producer at a time when the United States, Europe and Japan all needed vast quantities of its oil. In his CNN interview in 2010, he said oil would remain part of the energy mix despite the rise of renewable sources, but acknowledged it wouldn’t go on for ever.

“The stone age came to an end not for a lack of stones, and the oil age will end, but not for a lack of oil.”

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Ahmed Zaki Yamani, Former Saudi Oil Minister, Dies at 90

Ahmed Zaki Yamani, Saudi Arabia’s powerful oil minister and architect of the Arab world’s drive to control its own energy resources in the 1970s and its subsequent ability to affect oil production, fuel prices and international affairs, died in London. He was 90.

His death was announced on Tuesday by Saudi state television.

In an era of turbulent energy politics, Mr. Yamani, a Harvard-trained lawyer, spoke for Arab oil producers on a world stage as the industry weathered Arab-Israeli wars, a revolution in Iran and growing pains. The world’s demand for oil lifted the governments of Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf states into realms of unimaginable wealth. Crossing Europe, Asia and America to promote Arab oil interests, he met government leaders, went on television and became widely known. In a flowing Arabian robe or a Savile Row suit, speaking English or French, he straddled cultures, loving European classical music and writing Arabic poetry.

Mr. Yamani generally strived for price stability and orderly markets, but he is best known for engineering a 1973 oil embargo that led to soaring global prices, gasoline shortages and a quest for smaller cars, renewable energy sources and independence from Arab oil.

As the Saudi oil minister from 1962 to 1986, Mr. Yamani was the most powerful commoner in a kingdom that possessed some of the world’s largest oil reserves. For nearly 25 years, he was also the dominant official of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, whose rising and falling production quotas rippled like tides through worldwide markets.

In 1972, Mr. Yamani moved to wrest control over vast Gulf oil reserves from Aramco, the consortium of four American oil companies that had long exploited them. While Arab leaders demanded nationalization of Aramco — a takeover that might have cost American technical and marketing expertise, as well as capital — Mr. Yamani adopted a more moderate strategy.

Under the landmark “participation” agreement negotiated by Mr. Yamani, Saudi Arabia won the rights to acquire 25 percent of the foreign concessions immediately and to gradually raise their stakes to a controlling interest. Aramco, meanwhile, continued operating its concessions, profiting from extracting, refining and marketing the oil, although it had to pay sharply higher fees to the Saudi government.

The deal kept oil flowing to a dependent industrialized world and provided time for Arab oil producers to develop their own technical and marketing expertise. These developments eventually brought enormous prosperity to the Gulf states and a drastic shift of economic and political power in the region.

In 1973, after Israel defeated Egypt and Syria in the Yom Kippur War and Arab leaders demanded the use of oil as a political weapon, Mr. Yamani engineered an embargo to pressure the United States and other allies to withdraw support for Israel, and for Israel to withdraw from occupied Arab lands. The embargo sent shock waves around the world, caused a rift in the North Atlantic alliance and tilted Japan and other nations toward the Arabs.

But the United States held the line. President Richard M. Nixon created an energy czar. Gasoline rationing and price controls were imposed. There were long lines and occasional fights at the pump. While inflation persisted for years, there was a new emphasis on energy exploration and conservation, including, for a time, a national 55-mile-an-hour speed limit on highways.

A tall man with thoughtful eyes and a Van Dyke goatee, Mr. Yamani struck Westerners as gracious, shrewd and tenacious.

“He speaks softly and never pounds the table,” one American oil executive told The New York Times. “When discussions get hot, he gets more patient. In the end, he gets his way with what seems to be sweet reasonableness, but is a kind of toughness.”

In 1975, Mr. Yamani had two brushes with violence. His patron, King Faisal, was assassinated by a royal nephew in Riyadh. Nine months later, he and other OPEC ministers were taken hostage by terrorists led by Ilich Ramírez Sánchez, also known as Carlos the Jackal.

For years after the embargo, Mr. Yamani struggled to restrain oil prices, believing the long-term Saudi interest was to prolong global dependence on affordable oil. But the overthrow of the Shah of Iran in the 1979 Islamic Revolution touched off an energy crisis. Iranian production plummeted, prices surged, panic buying set in, increased OPEC stocks flooded the market and prices fell again.

In 1986, after a prolonged world oil glut and disagreements between Mr. Yamani and the royal family over quotas and prices, King Fahd dismissed the oil minister, ending his 24 years as Saudi Arabia’s most famous nonroyal.

Ahmed Zaki Yamani was born on June 30, 1930, in Mecca, Islam’s holy city of the pilgrimage, one of three children of Hassan Yamani, an Islamic law judge. The surname originated in Yemen, the land of his forebears. The boy was devoutly religious, rising early to pray before school. Sent abroad for higher education, he earned degrees from King Fuad I University in Cairo in 1951, New York University in 1955 and Harvard Law School in 1956.

He and Laila Sulleiman Faidhi were married in 1955 and had three children. His second wife was Tamam al-Anbar; they were married in 1975 and had five children.

In 1958, the royal family enlisted him to advise Crown Prince Faisal, and his rise was rapid. In a year, he was a minister of state without portfolio, and by 1962 oil minister. In 1963, Mr. Yamani and Aramco jointly founded a Saudi College of Petroleum and Minerals, to teach oil industry expertise to Arab students.

After his dismissal as oil minister, Mr. Yamani became a consultant, entrepreneur and investor, and settled in Crans-sur-Sierre, Switzerland. In 1982, he joined other financiers in Investcorp, a Bahrain-based private equity firm. In 1990, he founded the Center for Global Energy Research, a London market analysis group. A biography, “Yamani: The Inside Story,” by Jeffrey Robinson, was published in 1989.

Ben Hubbard contributed reporting.

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