Category Archives: US

Appeals court rules CFPB funding source unconstitutional

The Fifth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals found this week that the funding source for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) is unconstitutional, according to a decision reached by a three-judge panel.

The panel found that the “design of the CFPB violated the Constitution because it receives funding through the Federal Reserve, rather than appropriations legislation passed by Congress,” reads a story on the decision by Politico. “Democrats established the structure when they created the CFPB in the 2010 Dodd-Frank law as a way to shield the bureau from political pressures that could impact its oversight of the finance industry.”

The panel also vacated a small-dollar lending rule that was enacted in 2017, which had been targeted by payday lending advocates.

The plaintiffs, the Community Financial Services Association of America and Consumer Service Alliance of Texas, argued the CFPB’s payday rule was made arbitrarily and capriciously, and exceeded its statutory authority.

The plaintiffs also challenged the CFPB’s structure, its powers granted by Congress, the director’s protections from removal, claiming they were all unconstitutional.

“Congress’s decision to abdicate its appropriations power under the Constitution, i.e., to cede its power of the purse to the Bureau, violates the Constitution’s structural separation of powers,” the judges wrote.


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The CFPB itself has thus far declined to say whether it will attempt to appeal the decision. However, a CFPB spokesperson told Politico that the ongoing work of the agency will remain unaffected for the foreseeable future.

“[T]here is nothing novel or unusual about Congress’s decision to fund the CFPB outside of annual spending bills,” said CFPB spokesperson Sam Gilford. “Other federal financial regulators and the entire Federal Reserve System are funded that way, and programs such as Medicare and Social Security are funded outside of the annual appropriations process. The CFPB will continue to carry out its vital work enforcing the laws of the nation and protecting American consumers.”

In mid-2020, the United States Supreme Court heard another challenge to the constitutionality of the CFPB and found that while its single-director structure insulating an installed director from firing by the president was unconstitutional, the agency itself would remain intact. This helped lead President Biden to seek the appointment of his own CFPB director upon entering office, and a similar decision swiftly followed from the Supreme Court related to the Federal Housing Finance Agency.

The CFPB currently maintains regulatory enforcement authority over independent mortgage banks, depositories, fintechs and the reverse mortgage industry at the national level.

James Kleimann contributed reporting.

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Afghan couple accuse US Marine of abducting their baby

By JULIET LINDERMAN, CLAIRE GALOFARO and MARTHA MENDOZA

October 20, 2022 GMT

The young Afghan couple raced to the airport in Kabul, clutching their baby girl close amid the chaotic withdrawal of American troops last year.

The baby had been rescued two years earlier from the rubble of a U.S. Special Forces raid that killed her parents and five siblings. After months in a U.S. military hospital, she had gone to live with her cousin and his wife, this newlywed couple. Now, the family was bound for the United States for further medical treatment, with the aid of U.S. Marine Corps attorney Joshua Mast.

When the exhausted Afghans arrived at the airport in Washington D.C. in late August 2021, Mast pulled them out of the international arrivals line and led them to an inspecting officer, according to a lawsuit they filed last month. They were surprised when Mast presented an Afghan passport for the child, the couple said. But it was the last name printed on the document that stopped them cold: Mast.

They didn’t know it, but they would soon lose their baby.

This is a story about how one U.S. Marine became fiercely determined to bring home an Afghan war orphan, and praised it as an act of Christian faith to save her. Letters, emails and documents submitted in federal filings show that he used his status in the U.S. Armed Forces, appealed to high-ranking Trump administration officials and turned to small-town courts to adopt the baby, unbeknownst to the Afghan couple raising her 7,000 miles away.

The little girl, now 3 ½ years old, is at the center of a high-stakes tangle of at least four court cases. The Afghan couple, desperate to get her back, has sued Joshua and his wife Stephanie Mast. But the Masts insist they are her legal parents and “acted admirably” to protect her. They’ve asked a federal judge to dismiss the lawsuit.

The ordeal has drawn in the U.S. departments of Defense, Justice and State, which have argued that the attempt to spirit away a citizen of another country could significantly harm military and foreign relations. It has also meant that a child who survived a violent raid, was hospitalized for months and escaped the fall of Afghanistan has had to split her short life between two families, both of which now claim her.

Five days after the Afghans arrived in the U.S., they say Mast – custody papers in hand – took her away.

The Afghan woman collapsed onto the floor and pleaded with the Marine to give her baby back. Her husband said Mast had called him “brother” for months; so he begged him to act like one, with compassion. Instead, the Afghan family claims in court papers, Mast shoved the man and stomped his foot.

That was more than a year ago. The Afghan couple hasn’t seen her since.

“After they took her, our tears never stop,” the woman told The Associated Press. “Right now, we are just dead bodies. Our hearts are broken. We have no plans for a future without her. Food has no taste and sleep gives us no rest.”

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PULLED FROM THE RUBBLE

The story of the baby unfolds in hundreds of pages of legal filings and documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, as well as interviews with those involved, pieced together in an AP investigation.

In a federal lawsuit filed in September, the Afghan family accuses the Masts of false imprisonment, conspiracy, fraud and assault. The family has asked the court to shield their identity out of concerns for their relatives back in Afghanistan, and they communicated with AP on the condition of remaining anonymous.

The Masts call the Afghan family’s claims “outrageous, unmerited attacks” on their integrity. They argue in court filings that they have worked “to protect the child from physical, mental or emotional harm.” They say the Afghan couple are “not her lawful parents,” and Mast’s attorney cast doubt on whether the Afghans were even related to the baby.

“Joshua and Stephanie Mast have done nothing but ensure she receives the medical care she requires, at great personal expense and sacrifice, and provide her a loving home,” wrote the Masts’ attorneys.

The baby’s identity has been kept private, listed only as Baby L or Baby Doe. The Afghan couple had given the baby an Afghan name; the Masts gave her an American one.

Originally from Florida, Joshua Mast married his wife Stephanie and attended Liberty University, an evangelical Christian college in Lynchburg, Virginia. He graduated in 2008, and got his law degree there in 2014.

In 2019, they were living with their sons in Palmyra, a small rural Virginia town, when Joshua Mast was sent on a temporary assignment to Afghanistan. Mast, then a captain in the U.S. Marine Corps, was a military lawyer for the federal Center for Law and Military Operations. The U.S. Marines declined to comment publicly, along with other federal officials.

That September in 2019 was one of the deadliest months of the entire U.S. occupation in Afghanistan, with more than 110 civilians killed in the first week alone.

On Sept. 6, 2019, the U.S. attacked a remote compound.

No details about this event are publicly available, but in court documents Mast claims that classified reports show the U.S. government “sent helicopters full of special operators to capture or kill” a foreign fighter. Mast said that rather than surrender, a man detonated a suicide vest; five of his six children in the room were killed, and their mother was shot to death while resisting arrest.

Sehla Ashai and Maya Eckstein, attorneys for the Afghan couple, dispute Mast’s account. They say the baby’s parents were actually farmers, unaffiliated with any terrorist group. And they described the event as a tragedy that left two innocent civilians and five of their children dead.

Both sides agree that when the dust settled, U.S. troops pulled the badly injured infant from the rubble. The baby had a fractured skull, broken leg and serious burns.

She was about 2 months old.

Mast called the baby a “victim of terrorism.” His attorney said she “miraculously survived.”

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“DO THE RIGHT THING”

The baby was rushed to a military hospital, where she was placed in the care of the Defense Department.

The International Committee of the Red Cross told AP that they began searching for her family with the Afghan government, often a plodding process in rural parts of the country where record-keeping is scant. At first, they didn’t even know the baby’s name.

Meanwhile, Mast said, he was “aggressively” advocating to get her to the U.S. Over several months, he wrote to then-Vice President Mike Pence’s office, according to exhibits filed in court. He said his colleagues in the military tried to talk to President Donald Trump about the baby during a Thanksgiving visit to Bagram Airfield. Mast also said he made four requests over two weeks to then-White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney, asking for help to medically evacuate the baby “to be treated in a safe environment.”

The Masts were represented by Joshua’s brother Richard Mast, an attorney with the conservative Christian legal group Liberty Counsel, which says it is not involved in this case. None of the Masts responded to repeated requests for interviews.

In emails to military officials, Mast alleged that Pence told the U.S. Embassy in Kabul to “make every effort” to get her to the United States. Mast signed his emails with a Bible verse: “’Live for an Audience of one, for we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ.”

Pence’s spokesman, Marc Short, did not respond to requests for comment.

The U.S. Embassy never heard from Pence’s office, said a Department of State official, who requested anonymity because they did not have permission to speak publicly about the situation. But they did begin getting highly unusual inquiries about the possibility of sending the baby to the U.S. The diplomats were rattled by the suggestion that the U.S. could just take her away; they believed the baby belonged to Afghanistan.

“I was aware that it may not be smooth sailing ahead, but that just made me more determined to do the right thing,” the State Department official said.

About six weeks after the baby was rescued, the U.S. Embassy called for a meeting, attended by representatives of the Red Cross, the Afghan government and the American military, including Mast. The State Department wanted to make sure everyone understood its position: Under international humanitarian law, the U.S. was obliged to do everything possible to reunite the baby with her next of kin.

At the meeting, Mast asked about adoption, the State Department official said. Attendees from Afghanistan’s Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs explained that by Afghan law and custom, they had to place the baby with her biological family. If that did not work, the Afghan Children’s Court would determine a proper guardian.

The American concept of adoption doesn’t even exist in Afghanistan. Under Islamic law, a child’s bloodline cannot be severed and their heritage is sacred. Instead of adoption, a guardianship system called kafala allows Muslims to take in orphans and raise them as family, without relinquishing the child’s name or bloodline.

American adoptions from Afghanistan are rare and only possible for Muslim-American families of Afghan descent. The State Department recognizes 14 American adoptions from Afghanistan over the past decade, none in the past two years.

Yet two days after the embassy meeting, a letter was sent to U.S. officials in Kabul from Kimberley Motley, a near-celebrity American attorney in Afghanistan, the State Department official said. Motley wrote that she was representing an unnamed concerned American citizen who wished to adopt this baby. Motley declined to be interviewed by the AP.

Mast also continued his appeals to American politicians. The U.S. Embassy began hearing from Congressional staffers about the baby, and diplomats met with a military general, the official said.

The general in turn put a “gag order” on military personnel about the baby and said “no one was to advocate on her behalf,” Mast wrote in a legal filing.

But he wasn’t ready to give up.

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HALFWAY AROUND THE WORLD

The Masts searched for a solution halfway around the world — in rural Fluvanna County, Virginia, where they lived.

They petitioned the local Juvenile and Domestic Relations Court, describing the baby as a “stateless minor recovered off the battlefield.” In early November 2019, a judge granted them legal custody. The name of this judge is not publicly available because juvenile records are sealed in Virginia.

A few days later, a certificate of foreign birth listed Joshua and Stephanie Mast as parents.

The custody order was based on the Masts’ assertion that the Afghan government — specifically now-deposed President Ashraf Ghani — intended to waive jurisdiction over the child “in a matter of days,” according to a hearing transcript. The waiver never arrived.

In an email to AP, Ghani’s former deputy chief of staff Suhrob Ahmad said there is “no record of this alleged statement of waiver of Afghan jurisdiction.” Ahmad said he and the head of the Administrative Office of the President do not remember any such request going through the court system as required.

The U.S. Embassy heard that Mast was granted custody. Military lawyers assured them that the Marine was just preparing in case Afghanistan waived jurisdiction, but would not interfere with the search for the baby’s family, according to the State Department official.

Yet all along they planned to adopt the baby, according to records obtained from the state of Virginia under a Freedom of Information Act request. Richard Mast wrote the Attorney General’s office in November 2019 that the Masts “will file for adoption as soon as statutorily possible.”

In the meantime, Joshua Mast enrolled the baby in the Defense Department health care system, made an appointment at a U.S. International Adoption Clinic and asked to have her evacuated.

Then came a surprise: The Red Cross said they’d found her family. She was about five months old.

In late 2019, Afghan officials told the U.S. Embassy that the baby’s paternal uncle had been identified, and he decided his son and daughter-in-law were best suited to take her, according to court records. They were young, educated newlyweds with no children yet of their own, and lived in a city with access to hospitals.

The young man worked in a medical office and ran a co-ed school, which is unusual in Afghanistan. His wife graduated from high school at the top of her class, and is fluent in three languages, including English. They had married for love, unlike many Afghans in arranged marriages.

Mast expressed doubts about the newly-found uncle, describing him in court records as “an anonymous person of unknown nationality” and claiming that turning the baby over to him was “inherently dangerous.” He asked the Red Cross to put him in touch, but they refused.

In emails to a U.S. military office requesting evacuation, Mast alleged that he read more than 150 pages of classified documents, and concluded the child was a “stateless minor.” Mast believed she was the daughter of transient terrorists who are citizens of no country, his attorney said. He also speculated that if reunited with her family, she could be made a child soldier or a suicide bomber, sold into sex trafficking, hit in a U.S. military strike, or stoned for being a girl.

But Afghanistan did not waver: the child was a citizen of their country.

Mast’s attorney sent the U.S. Embassy a “cease and desist” letter warning them not to hand the baby over, according to the State Department official. But on February 26, 2020, the Masts learned that the U.S. was preparing to put the baby, now nearly 8 months old, on a plane early the following morning to join her family in another Afghan city.

The Masts, represented by Richard Mast, sued the secretaries of Defense and State in a federal court in Virginia, asking for an emergency restraining order to stop them. The Masts claimed they were the baby’s “lawful permanent legal guardians.”

Within hours, four federal attorneys — two from the Justice Department and two from the U.S. Attorney’s Office — were on the phone, and Richard Mast was in Federal Judge Norman Moon’s office.

Richard Mast said the baby should not be “condemned to suffer.” He complained that the Afghan government had not conducted DNA testing to confirm the family they found was truly related to the child.

But the Justice Department attorneys said they had no right to mandate how the Afghan government vets the family, and that the Red Cross — which has reunited relatives in war zones for more than a century — had confirmed it was done properly. Further, the federal government’s attorneys described the Masts’ custody documents from state court as “unlawful,” “deeply flawed and incorrect,” and “issued on a false premise that has never happened” — that Afghanistan would waive jurisdiction.

Judge Moon asked Richard Mast: “Your client is not asking to adopt the child?”

“No sir,” Mast responded. “He wants to get her medical treatment in the United States.”

Justice Department attorneys argued that the United States must meet its international obligations. Attorney Alexander Haas put it simply: Taking another country’s citizen to the United States “would have potentially profound implications on our military and foreign affairs interests.”

Judge Moon ruled against the Masts, and the baby stayed in Afghanistan.

The next day, she was united with her biological family. The Afghan couple wept with joy.

“We didn’t think she would come back to her family alive,” said the young Afghan man. “It was the best day of our lives. After a long time, she had a chance to have a family again.”

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AN EXTRA MEASURE OF TENDERNESS

As the months passed in her new home in Afghanistan, the girl loved getting henna painted on her hands and dressing up in new clothes, the Afghan couple said. She always wanted to do her new mother’s makeup, or brush her hair.

“She knew about Allah, about clothes, about the names of food,” the woman wrote.

The couple cared for her as if she was their own daughter, but with an extra measure of tenderness because of the unimaginable tragedy she’d already suffered.

“We never wanted her to feel she couldn’t have something she wanted,” said the young man.

Meanwhile, Mast continued to worry that the child was “in an objectively dangerous situation,” Richard Mast wrote in court documents. The Masts asked Kimberley Motley, the attorney, to track down the family, saying he wanted to get the child medical treatment in the U.S, Motley said in court records.

Motley contacted the Afghan family in March 2020, about a week after the baby was placed in her new home. Motley is named as a defendant in their lawsuit, but her attorney, Michael Hoernlein, told AP the claims against her are “meritless.” In court documents, Motley’s attorneys describe her role as professional and above-board, and asked that the claims against her be dismissed.

Motley had originally gone to Afghanistan in 2008 under an American-funded initiative to train local lawyers. She stayed, largely representing foreigners charged with crimes. She took on high-profile human rights cases, gave a TED Talk and wrote a book.

Over the course of a year, Motley called for updates about the child and occasionally asked for photos. In July, around the baby’s first birthday, the couple sent Motley a snapshot of the child in swim trunks, smiling and splashing in a wading pool.

At the same time, the Masts’ adoption case was still winding through the court system in Fluvanna County, Virginia. In December 2020, the state court granted the Masts a final adoption order based on the finding that the child “remains up to this point in time an orphaned, undocumented, stateless minor,” according to a federal lawsuit. Fluvanna County Circuit Court Presiding Judge Richard E. Moore did not respond to repeated requests for clarity on how the cases progressed.

International adoption lawyers were baffled.

“If you have relatives there who are saying, ‘no, no, no, we want our daughter, we want our little girl,’ it’s over,” said Irene Steffas, an adoption and immigration attorney. “There is no way the U.S. is going to get into a match with another country when it comes to a child that’s a citizen of that country.”

Karen Law, a Virginia attorney who specializes in international adoption, said state law requires an accredited agency to visit three times over six months and compile a report before an adoption can be finalized. The child must be present for the visits — but this baby was thousands of miles away.

On July 10, 2021, around the baby’s second birthday, Motley facilitated the first phone call between the Afghan couple and Joshua Mast, with the aid translator Ahmad Osmani, a Baptist pastor of Afghan descent. Mast told the Afghan couple that unless they sent the child to the United States for medical care, she could “be blind, brain damaged, and/or permanently physically disabled.”

But the Afghan man now raising her, who had worked in the medical field, did not think her burn scars, a leg injury and mysterious allergic reactions amounted to a life-altering condition in the way Mast described. The couple declined sending the baby to the United States.

The woman was pregnant, and worried about the risk of such a long flight. They said they asked Mast: Could they take the baby to Pakistan or India for treatment instead?

The answer was no, their lawsuit says. The conversations continued for months. Osmani, the translator, vouched for the Masts and described them as kind and trustworthy, according to the lawsuit, which names him as a defendant.

Osmani did not respond to requests for comment. He asked a federal judge to throw out the lawsuit, and said he never deceived anyone. He was only a “mere translator.”

His attorneys wrote: “No good deed goes unpunished.”

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“LIVING IN A DARK JAIL”

In late summer 2021, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan. Mast said he contacted the family to bring the baby to the U.S. “before the country collapsed.” He said he was “extremely concerned that they may not get another chance.” The couple agreed.

Mast applied for special visas for the Afghan family and for relatives of Osmani, the translator, according to court records. They characterized the Afghan couple as an escort for a “U.S. military dependent” — the baby.

In an email to U.S. officials filed in court, Mast wrote that Osmani was “very instrumental to helping a U.S. Marine…adopt an Afghan child.”

Soon, the Afghan family began their days-long journey to the U.S. Joshua Mast told them to say he was their lawyer.

“If anyone asks to talk about your documents, show them this text: I am Major Joshua Mast, USMC. I am a Judge Advocate…” Mast texted them detailed directions for how to deal with U.S. authorities, their lawsuit says.

When the family arrived in Germany for a stopover, Joshua Mast and his wife greeted them at the air force base. It was the first time they had met in person.

In Germany, the Masts visited the Afghan family’s room three times to try to get the baby to travel separately with them, “insisting that it would be easier for the toddler to enter the United States that way,” the Afghan couple recalled in their lawsuit. They refused to let the girl out of their sight.

When the Afghans finally landed in the United States, they began explaining that the child was too young to have Afghan documents. That’s when they claim Joshua Mast pulled out an Afghan passport.

Inside was the same photo of the child in the wading pool, but altered to change the background, add a shirt and smooth her hair. Mast told the Afghans to “keep quiet” about having his name on her passport, their lawsuit alleges, so it would be easier to get medical care.

The Afghan couple asked to be taken to Fort Pickett Army National Guard base, a location specified by Mast, according to the lawsuit. Thousands of Afghan refugees were temporarily housed there.

Soon after, they said, soldiers came to their room and told them they were moving. A strange woman sat in the back of the van next to a car seat, according to court records, and the baby fussed as she buckled her in.

The van pulled up to a building they didn’t recognize, where a woman who called herself a social worker said the Masts were the girl’s legal guardians. Confused and frightened, the child cried and the couple begged.

But it did no good. Mast took the baby to his car, where his wife was waiting, the lawsuit says.

They had lost her.

In their heavily redacted response to the lawsuit, the Masts acknowledge they “took custody” of the child; they said their adoption order was valid and they did nothing wrong.

Richard Mast is also named as a defendant in the Afghan family’s lawsuit. He wrote in legal documents that his brother’s adoption of the child was “selfless;” it saved both the child, and the Afghan family fighting to get her back, “from the evils of life under the Taliban.”

The Afghan couple believed that their baby was stolen, and they immediately sought help at Fort Pickett to get her back.

“But the playing field was not level,” their attorney, Ashai, told the AP. The couple “were forced to navigate a complex and confusing system in a foreign country in which they had just arrived, after having survived the greatest trauma of their lives.”

Meanwhile, the couple says in court documents, Osmani warned them not to contact a lawyer or the authorities, and suggested that Mast might give them the baby back if they dealt directly with him.

And so they tried to maintain contact with Mast. They were also scared of him. If he could abduct their child in broad daylight, they worried he might hurt them too, their lawyers wrote in legal filings.

The Afghan woman plunged into a deep depression and, despite being nine months pregnant, stopped eating and drinking. She could not sleep. Her husband was afraid to leave her alone.

“Since we have come to America, we have not felt happiness for even one day,” the Afghan man told the AP. “We feel like we are living in a dark jail.”

His wife gave birth to a girl on October 1, 2021. The young mother’s grief became overwhelming. A month later, she considered suicide and was hospitalized.

Soon the couple sought legal help; by December 2021, the Afghan couple had asked the Fluvanna judge to reverse the adoption. But those proceedings, almost one year in, have been opaque and slow.

On Feb. 27, 2022, when the Afghan baby was 2 ½ years old, the Masts traveled to the Mennonite Christian Assembly in Fredericksburg, Ohio, to share their joy during a special church service. In a video advertising the event called “Walking in Faith,” the pastor apologized to congregants that it would not be online, because the Marine would share “very confidential, classified information.”

“Unforeseen events gave the couple an unexpected opportunity to stand up to protect innocent life,” read the program flyer. “Come hear how God’s mighty hand allowed for a remarkable deliverance.”

Pastor John Risner told the AP that the Masts had requested the service be confidential, and he didn’t want to betray their trust by disclosing any details.

All he would say is that their story is “amazing.”

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NO HAPPINESS HERE

The fate of the Afghan child is now being debated in secret proceedings in a locked courtroom in the village of Palmyra, Virginia, home to about 100 people.

Earlier this month, Joshua Mast arrived at the Fluvanna County courthouse along with his wife and his brother Richard. Mast was dressed in his starched Marine uniform, holding his white and gold hat in his hand. The hearing stretched on for roughly eight hours.

The proceedings have been completely shielded from public view, mandated by presiding Judge Moore. The AP was not allowed inside the courtroom. Court clerk Tristana Treadway refused to provide even the docket number, saying she could “neither confirm nor deny” the case existed at all.

More than a dozen lawyers streamed into the courthouse, carting boxes of evidence, and each said they were forbidden from speaking.

Mast remains an active duty Marine, and has since been promoted to major. He now lives with his family in North Carolina. The Afghan toddler has been with them for more than a year.

In Texas, the Afghan couple continues to grieve the loss of the child. The baby the woman gave birth to shortly after arriving in the U.S. just turned 1. The young mother had planned to raise the girls as sisters.

But they’ve never met.

“There is nothing to celebrate without her. There is no happiness here,” the Afghan man said. “We are counting the moments and days until she will come home.”

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Retired Associated Press Afghanistan and Pakistan Bureau Chief Kathy Gannon, AP researcher Rhonda Shafner and AP Pentagon reporter Lolita Baldor contributed to this report.

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Follow the authors on Twitter @julietlinderman, @clairegalofaro, @mendozamartha



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Police cameras show confusion, anger over DeSantis’ voter fraud arrests

TALLAHASSEE — When police went to arrest Tony Patterson outside his Tampa home in August, he couldn’t believe the reason.

“What is wrong with this state, man?” Patterson protested as he was being escorted to a police car in handcuffs. “Voter fraud? Y’all said anybody with a felony could vote, man.”

Body-worn camera footage recorded by local police captured the confusion and outrage of Hillsborough County residents who found themselves in handcuffs for casting a ballot following investigations by Gov. Ron DeSantis’ new Office of Election Crimes and Security.

The Aug. 18 arrests — conducted hours before DeSantis called a news conference to tout his crackdown on alleged voter fraud — were carried out by state police officers accompanied by local law enforcement.

The never-before-seen footage, obtained by the Times/Herald through public records requests, offers a personal glimpse of the effects of DeSantis’ efforts to root out perceived voter fraud.

“They’re going to pay the price,” DeSantis said during the news conference announcing the arrests.

Of the 19 people arrested, 12 were registered as Democrats and at least 13 are Black, the Times/Herald found.

Romona Oliver, 55, was about to leave for work when police walked up her driveway at 6:52 a.m. and told her they had a warrant for her arrest.

“Oh my God,” she said.

An officer told her she was being arrested for fraud, a third-degree felony, for voting illegally in 2020.

“Voter fraud?” she said. “I voted, but I ain’t commit no fraud.”

Related: DeSantis touted their arrest. But ex-felons say they weren’t told they couldn’t vote.

Oliver and 19 others are facing up to five years in prison after being accused by DeSantis and state police of both registering, and voting, illegally.

They are accused of violating a state law that doesn’t allow people convicted of murder or felony sex offenses to automatically be able to vote after they complete their sentence. A 2018 state constitutional amendment that restored the right to vote to many felons excluded this group.

But, as the videos further support, the amendment and subsequent actions by state lawmakers caused mass confusion about who was eligible, and the state’s voter registration forms offer no clarity. They only require a potential voter to swear, under penalty of perjury, that they’re not a felon, or if they are, that their rights have been restored. The forms do not clarify that those with murder convictions don’t get automatic restoration of their rights.

Oliver, who served 18 years in prison on a second-degree murder charge, registered to vote at the Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles on Feb. 14, 2020. Six months later, she updated her address and completed another registration form.

After brief eligibility checks by the Department of State — which reports to DeSantis and is responsible for cleaning the rolls of ineligible voters — she was given a voter ID card both times.

Oliver wasn’t removed from the rolls until March 30 this year, more than two years later.

Related: Florida arrested felons for election fraud. It also gave them voter IDs.

The recordings by Tampa police and Hillsborough County sheriff’s deputies reveal officers who were patient, understanding — almost apologetic.

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A handcuffed Nathan Hart, 49, found a sympathetic ear when he explained how he ended up registering and voting illegally, according to the sheriff’s office recording.

As he stood handcuffed, he told officers that he signed up to vote at the encouragement of somebody at “the driver’s license place.” Records show it was in March 2020.

“I said, ‘I’m a convicted felon, I’m pretty sure I can’t,’” Hart, a registered sex offender, told officers. “He goes, ‘Well, are you still on probation?’”

Hart’s probation had ended a month earlier, Hart recalled. The person told him to sign up anyway.

“He said, ‘Well, just fill out this form, and if they let you vote, then you can,’” Hart said. “‘If they don’t, then you can’t.’”

“Then there’s your defense,” one of the officers replied. “You know what I’m saying? That sounds like a loophole to me.”

“Well, we can hope,” Hart said.

The officer was correct in one way: State law says that a voter has to “willfully” commit the crime — a hurdle that has forced some prosecutors not to charge ineligible voters.

In Lake County this year, for example, prosecutors declined to bring charges against six convicted sex offenders who voted in 2020.

“In all of the instances where sex offenders voted, each appear to have been encouraged to vote by various mailings and misinformation,” prosecutor Jonathan Olson wrote. “Each were given voter registration cards which would lead one to believe they could legally vote in the election. The evidence fails to show willful actions on a part of these individuals.”

DeSantis’ voter fraud arrests are being carried out by the Office of Statewide Prosecution, which is restricted by law to prosecuting crimes, including voting, involving two or more judicial circuits. Those crimes are usually “complex, often large scale, organized criminal activity,” according to its website. The statewide prosecutor is Nicholas Cox, who was reappointed by Attorney General Ashley Moody in 2019.

Oliver’s lawyer, Tampa attorney Mark Rankin, said he thinks DeSantis’ election security force chose these 20 in particular because the public would not have sympathy for people who were convicted of murder or sexual offenses. During a news conference announcing the arrests, DeSantis noted their criminal records.

“That’s not an accident,” Rankin said. “That’s a political strategy.”

Public defenders representing Hart and Patterson declined to comment.

Patterson, a registered sex offender, wondered why he was being singled out when officers showed up at his home, the recording shows.

“This happened years ago,” he told officers. “Why now? Why me?”

Even the Tampa police officer driving Patterson to the jail seemed surprised by the charges against him. En route, the officer received a phone call and appeared to briefly discuss Patterson’s case.

“I’ve never seen these charges before in my entire life,” the officer said.

Handcuffed in the back seat, Patterson, 40, stewed. He said his brother encouraged him to register to vote.

“I always listen to everybody else. Vote for this. Vote for — come on, man,” Patterson grumbled. “I thought felons were able to vote. That’s why I signed a petition form, that’s what I remember.

“Why would you let me vote if I wasn’t able to vote?”

“I’m not sure, buddy,” the officer replied. “I don’t know.”

Times data editor Langston Taylor contributed to this report.

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GOP holds big leads on key economic issues ahead of the November elections, CNBC survey shows

U.S. President Joe Biden holds a video conference event with electric battery industry grant winners, related to recent infrastructure initiatives, from the White House in Washington, October 19, 2022.

Jonathan Ernst | Reuters

The third-quarter CNBC All-America Economic Survey finds some modest improvements in economic attitudes and in President Joe Biden’s approval ratings across the country, but Americans still harbor mostly negative views on the economy and give the GOP double-digit leads on key economic and financial issues ahead of the November elections.

Biden’s overall approval rating improved 10 points from the July survey with 46% approving and 50% disapproving. Approval of Biden’s handling of the economy also rose 10 points, with 40% approving and 56% disapproving. While they were the president’s best numbers since 2021, the improvement came largely from increased Democratic support. Approval by independents on the economy remained unchanged from the prior poll at just 25%.

CNBC All-America Economic Survey

Americans’ views on the current state of the economy rose 5 points from the prior survey, yet still remain at a low level. Only 16% say the economy is excellent or good, up from 11% in July; 83% call the economy fair or poor, the third straight survey where the percentage has been above 80.

On the outlook, 27% expect the economy to improve in the next year, up from 22% in July, with 45% expecting it to get worse, down from 52% in July. The 45% who believe the economy will worsen is the third most pessimistic result in the 14-year history of the survey, eclipsed only by the surveys in July and a year ago.

Republicans have a 2-point advantage, 48%-46%, on party preference to control Congress. That’s a toss-up with the poll’s +/-3.5% margin for error, but Democrats have typically had substantial leads in this question when they have picked up congressional seats. The gap is the same as the prior survey, which came in at 44%-42%.

The poll of 800 registered voters nationwide was conducted Oct. 13-16 by Hart Research, who served as the Democratic pollsters, and Public Opinion Strategies, the Republican pollsters.

GOP lead

Republicans have a double-digit lead on the questions of which party would do a better job bringing down inflation, handling taxes, dealing with deficits and creating jobs. CNBC’s Democratic and Republican pollsters agree the economic numbers look similar to 2014 when the GOP retained the House and took control of the Senate.

CNBC All-America Economic Survey

“We tested a number of economic issues and Republicans just kind of ran the table, all except for on the cost of health care,” said Micah Roberts, partner at Public Opinion Strategies. “If this election were just about the economy, which we know it’s not, but if it were just about the economy, this would be a complete shellacking.”

Specifically, on the issue of which party is best to control inflation, Republicans have a 15-point lead, 42-27%; they lead 40-29% on dealing with taxes; 36% to 25% on reducing the deficit; and 43 -33% on creating jobs. Democrats have a 4-point lead, 42% to 38%, on “looking out for the middle class,” but that’s down from a 12-point margin they enjoyed in 2018. They have a commanding 44-28% margin on which party is best to reduce health-care costs.

“The way things are moving overall and the way things look, it’s definitely more of an uphill climb for Democrats and maybe slightly slanted downwards for Republicans,” said Jay Campbell, partner at Hart Research.

The poll also found:

  • 43% of American say higher interest rates have had a negative effect on their personal financial situation; 47% say they’ve been hurt by the stock market decline; and 77% say inflation has set them back financially.
  • Just 32% believe their home price will increase in the next year, the lowest level since the Covid pandemic began; 23% believe their home price will decline in the next year, the highest level since 2011.
  • Views on the stock market remain depressed — just a point above the worst levels ever recorded in the survey — with just 28% saying it’s a good time to invest in the stock market.
  • 68% think the U.S. will soon be in a recession, including 9% who believe we are already in a recession.
  • The one bit of good economic news: 41% believe their wages will rise in the next year, the highest level since the pandemic.
  • Inflation ranks as the No. 1 concern for all Americans combined, but there are substantial differences by party. “Threats to democracy” is the No. 1 issues for Democrats, and “immigration and border security” is tops for Republicans, a point ahead of inflation. For independents, inflation is the leading concern and little else registers. Crime is the No. 3 issue for GOP voters, while abortion and climate change are tied for third among Democrats. For the moment, the war in Ukraine and jobs and unemployment are not seen as top issues by either party or independents.
  • Americans have less confidence in the Federal Reserve than they do Republicans or Democrats in Congress. Just 15% of the public say they have confidence in the Fed, compared with 22% for Republicans and 21% for Democrats in Congress.
  •  A 53% majority say the Fed’s efforts to reduce inflation by raising interest rates will succeed. But when asked what’s more important when it comes to the central bank’s dual mandate — jobs or inflation — Americans are split. 47% say it’s more important to protect jobs than fight inflation and 43% say the inflation fight should take precedence.

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Special Counsel John Durham took his final loss. But did he fail?

John Durham. Illustrated | Getty Images

Special Counsel John Durham lost in court on Tuesday when a federal jury acquitted Igor Danchenko, a private researcher he had charged with five counts of lying to the FBI. It was Durham’s second loss in the two trials he brought during his three-and-a-half years investigating the origins of the Justice Department’s investigation of former President Donald Trump’s campaign and its ties to Russia. It is also likely to be Durham’s last case, and final loss, as special counsel.

“Trump and his supporters had long insisted the Durham inquiry would prove a ‘deep state’ conspiracy against him,” The New York Times reports. “Trump predicted Durham would uncover ‘the crime of the century’ inside the U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies that investigated his campaign’s links to Russia,” The Washington Post adds. Instead, he secured a plea deal and 12 months of probation for an FBI lawyer who admitted to falsifying information to renew a secret surveillance warrant. 

Here’s a look back at what Durham was assigned to investigate, what he did investigate, and why he didn’t find more:

What was Durham’s assignment?

William Barr, soon after Trump appointed him attorney general, ordered Durham, then the U.S. attorney in Connecticut, to review the origins of the Trump-Russia investigation. At that point, in May 2019, Durham’s was the third active investigation of the FBI’s Crossfire Hurricane counterintelligence investigation, along with inquiries by Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz and by John Huber, the U.S. attorney in Utah.

By October 2019, Durham’s administrative review had turned into a criminal investigation, though the Justice Department released no information on who or what crimes were being investigated. A month earlier, Barr and Durham had traveled to Italy to ask for the Italian government’s help in the inquiry, and Barr also solicited assistance from Australia and Britain.

In December 2020, Barr announced he had upgraded Durham to special counsel right before the election, shielding him from political interference in case Trump lost. Barr’s Oct. 19 order, obtained by The Associated Press, authorized Durham “to investigate whether any federal official, employee, or any person or entity violated the law in connection with the intelligence, counter-intelligence, or law enforcement activities” directed at the 2016 presidential campaigns or Trump administration officials.

Barr told AP that Durham’s investigation began very broadly but had “narrowed considerably” and “really is focused on the activities of the Crossfire Hurricane investigation within the FBI.”

What has he accomplished as special counsel?

Durham’s investigation has been shrouded in mystery since its inception, but his main public endeavors were the guilty plea for FBI lawyer Kevin Clinesmith and the unsuccessful prosecutions of Danchenko, a major source of information used by former British spy Christopher Steele in his largely discredited Trump-Russia dossier, and cybersecurity lawyer Michael Sussmann.

That may not seem like much, especially since the Horowitz investigation developed the case against Clinesmith.

But “Durham and his aides used the forum of the recent trials to air evidence of what they suggested was a failure by FBI personnel to pursue leads as they probed the sourcing of the Steele dossier,” Politico‘s Josh Gerstein writes. “Durham’s open criticism of the FBI produced an unusual spectacle at the trial, as he and his team attacked the competence of FBI agents and analysts who were the prosecution’s key witnesses,” but Durham’s “disciples” see those salvos as “a silver lining in the veteran prosecutor’s checkered courtroom record.”

The Sussmann and Danchenko cases may have accomplished something else, too, the Times reports, citing Durham’s crisis: “In pursuing charges, they damaged national security.” In the latter case, especially, Durham’s FBI witnesses said Danchenko had become a valuable paid informant whom FBI agents can no longer use because Barr effectively revealed his identity and Durham indicted him.

What’s next in Durham’s investigation?

“If Danchenko is indeed Durham’s final criminal case, then his report will come next,” The Washington Examiner reports. “The special counsel is reportedly working on finishing a lengthy set of findings laying out his investigation’s conclusions, which will be handed over to Attorney General Merrick Garland,” and Garland has testified he intends to release as much as possible to the public.

Durham has used his trials to portray his investigation as a kind of antidote to Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation of the Trump campaign’s interactions with Russian election meddlers — though he misrepresented Mueller’s findings in some cases. Barr released a redacted version of Mueller’s final report; subsequent documents suggest Barr put his thumb on the scale in Trump’s favor from the jump.

How does Durham’s investigation compare to Mueller’s?

Mueller accomplished much more than Durham in less time, but he had greater resources at his disposal and, presumably, better material to work with. Mueller turned in his final report 23 months after his appointment as special counsel, while Durham is now on the 42nd month of his investigation, according to a chart compiled by Marcy Wheeler.

While Durham charged three minor characters in the Trump-Russia saga and got one plea deal, Mueller charged 34 people — including top Trump aides Paul Manafort, Rick Gates, Roger Stone, and Michael Flynn — and three Russian companies. He obtained nine convictions or guilty pleas, and passed off to other prosecutors a handful of fruitful investigations that did not fit within his purview. Trump subsequently pardoned Manafort, Stone, Flynn, and Mueller prey George Papadopoulos, and Alex van der Zwaan.

Durham’s investigation has cost taxpayers more than $5.8 million between October 2020 — when he was named special counsel, 18 months after his initial appointment to the case — and March 2022, the Justice Department reports.

Mueller’s total investigation cost nearly $32 million, including Justice Department components that supported his office. He effectively returned much of that to the federal government through Manafort, who agreed to forfeit property in New York, funds in three bank accounts, and his life insurance policy, all valued at between $22 million and $42 million.

Did Durham fail?

That’s a little subjective, and Durham still has his final report to make his case. But “simply put, federal prosecutors are not used to losing,” Politico‘s Gerstein writes. “So, Durham’s defeat at the Danchenko trial — which came less than five months after a similar acquittal in another case brought by the special prosecutor — represents an unmistakable defeat.”

You can compare Durham’s track record as special counsel against what had previously “been the highest-profile act of his career, when he led a special investigation of the CIA’s Bush-era torture of terrorism detainees and destruction of videos of interrogation sessions,” the Times reports. At that time, “Durham had set a high bar for charges and for releasing information related to the investigation. Throughout his 2008-2012 investigation, he found no one he deemed worthy of indictment even though two detainees had died in the CIA’s custody, and he fought a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit to avoid disclosing to the public his findings and witness interview records.”

Many people, having learned of Danchenko’s acquittal, probably expressed “surprise that Durham was still going at all,” while others were likely to shake their heads “and declare the probe a waste of time and money,” David A. Graham writes at The Atlantic. These reactions “are correct, but they miss the point. Even if Durham approached the probe with earnest sincerity, the real reason he was appointed is that Donald Trump’s political con requires the promise of total vindication right around the corner,” and his investigation has already served that purpose.

“The hope for Trump supporters was that someone was going to crack open the case and show that the investigation was cooked up by Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton,” maybe with help from George Soros and antifa, Graham elaborates. But Trump himself “recognized that the fact of an investigation was far more important than the results.” It worked with Benghazi and Clinton’s emails, and even earlier Trump-Russia counter-investigations, he adds. “By the time Trump was extorting Volodymyr Zelensky by withholding defense supplies in 2019, all Trump wanted was for Ukraine to announce an investigation into Hunter Biden. He didn’t even care whether it actually happened, because the talking point is what he needed.”

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“I failed:” Kevin de León tells CBS2 he is refusing to resign from LA City Council

Councilmember Kevin de León told Tom Wait today in an exclusive interview that he is refusing to resign from LA City Council, but rather hopes to work towards repairing relationships that have been damaged in recent weeks. 

“I have to do the hard work. I have to repair. I have to help heal. I have to help restore,” the councilman said.

CBSLA


Despite rampant calls for resignation in the nearly two weeks since the leaked audio, de León does not follow the steps of Councilmember Nury Martinez who resigned last Wednesday afternoon.

De León said he refused to resign so he can ensure that his constituents in District 14 continue to be represented on City Council.

“It’s about City District 14,” he said. “A district that’s been underrepresented and has gone through much difficulty in the past without political representation… They do deserve political representation.”

The leaked audio recorded de León, Martinez and Councilmember Gil Cedillo as well as L.A. County Federation of Labor President Ron Herrera. The racist comments were made during an October 2021 conversation about the redistricting process. During the hour-long conversation, the group discussed the redistricting process while also making racist comments about residents and Councilmember Mike Bonin’s Black 2-year-old son.

“I failed in my leadership,” he said. “I didn’t step up and intervene. I didn’t put a stop to it.”

In the discussion, Martinez referred to Bonin’s son as a “little monkey” in Spanish while de León compared the 2-year-old child to one of Martinez’s handbags. He later said he was “shocked” by Martinez’s comments and said his “joke” was directed toward Martinez’s “penchant for having luxury goods.” Nonetheless, he apologized for his comments.

“I shouldn’t have made that flippant remark,” he said.

De León claims to have apologized “profusely” to Bonin and his family over voicemail when he didn’t answer his phone call in the wake of the audio leak. He also said that he had planned to publicly apologize at the first City Council meeting since the leak last Tuesday, but was unable to do so.

“I’m sorry. I’m sorry to my constituents,” he said. “I’m sorry to my colleagues. I’m sorry to the family of Mike Bonin — to my family, to all those who have supported me.”

CBSLA


Herrera was the first of the bunch to resign, doing so a day after the audio was released. 

De León and Cedillo both have yet to step down, despite passionate protests calling for their resignation. Senior politicians such as President Joe Biden, Gov. Gavin Newsom and Mayor Eric Garcetti have denounced the trio and joined the public’s calls for their resignation.

“I accept my responsibility for a lot of that pain that exists today,” de León said Wednesday, noting that he’s reached out to various city leaders and organizations to have “hard conversations” with about his involvement in the incident.

“It’s not going to be easy,” he said. “It’s gonna be hard, as it should be. I know it’s going to be hard. That’s why I don’t I’m not going to mince words or I’m not going to deflect blame.”

He also said he hasn’t had a chance to speak to Martinez, Cedillo or Herrera since the audio leak.

Councilman Bonin issued a statement via Twitter moments after the interview first aired. 

“He cannot be part of the healing as long as he refuses to resign,” the tweet said. “His stubborn refusal to do what everyone else knows is necessary is deepening the wound he has inflicted on Los Angeles.”



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Grizzy bear attack: College wrestlers from Wyoming mauled in gruesome attack



CNN
 — 

A group of college wrestlers from Wyoming faced their toughest opponent yet over the weekend.

Kendell Cummings and Brady Lowry – wrestling teammates at Northwest College in Powell, Wyoming – were mauled by a grizzly bear Saturday while antler hunting.

The young men were released from a Billings, Montana hospital this week convinced “someone out there is looking out for me and Kendell,” Lowry told CNN affiliate KSL.

Lowry was the first one the grizzly attacked, he told CNN.

While making his way back to his car alongside Cummings, Lowry said he noticed bear marks on the ground. Just as he began to point them out to his friend, he “started hearing crashing coming through the tree.”

Lowry said he only had time to yell “Bear! Bear!” before the grizzly tackled him, causing him to fall about five feet off a small ledge.

“It started chomping on me pretty good. It got a hold of my left arm, it was shaking me around, broke my left arm.”

Cummings tried to get the bear’s attention by yelling and throwing things at it and when that didn’t work “he jumped down and grabbed the bear … and yanked it off me.”

Then the bear came for Cummings.

Cummings told KSL the bear “tackled me, chewed me up a bit.”

The bear wandered off and Cummings yelled for Lowry, according to KSL. But before he heard a response, the bear came back for round two, this time biting Cummings on the head and cheek, the KSL report said.

Lowry said he ran up the mountain to call 911, and after reaching emergency responders happened to look down and see August Harrison and Orrin Jackson – two other teammates he and Cummings had separated from during the hike.

The three connected with each other and Harrison continued back up the mountain to find Cummings.

Harrison said he found Cummings “limping down the mountain, drenched in blood.”

“(Cummings) asked me how he looked and I said, ‘You look great, we’ve gotta go!’”

The group took turns carrying Cummings – who suffered the worst injuries – back toward the trailhead. They said they walked about a mile before they were picked up by farmers, and eventually, emergency responders.

Lowry and Cummings are expected to make a full recovery – a reality that Lowry attributes to the bond between his teammates.

“We become best friends going to hell and back with each other. Seeing someone sweat and bleed … coach teaches us that. You aren’t going to leave a brother behind,” he said.

According to the Wyoming Game and Fish Department (WGFD), there’s been an “abundance of bear activity at low elevations” throughout the national forest.

“In the vicinity where the attack occurred, reports from landowners and hunters indicate there may be six to 10 different bears moving between agricultural fields and low elevation slopes,” Dan Smith, Cody Region wildlife supervisor, said in a news release.

Smith said WGFD will work with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to monitor bear activity in the area to “make management decisions in the best interest of public safety.”

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Trump appears for deposition in E. Jean Carroll lawsuit



CNN
 — 

Former President Donald Trump appeared Wednesday for a deposition as part of the defamation lawsuit brought by former magazine columnist E. Jean Carroll.

Last week, a federal judge cleared the way for Trump’s testimony saying the former President had already taken steps to delay the case and he “should not be able to run out the clock.”

“We’re pleased that on behalf of our client, E. Jean Carroll, we were able to take Donald Trump’s deposition today. We are not able to comment further,” said a spokesperson for Kaplan Hecker & Fink, the law firm representing Carroll.

Lawyers for Trump have not responded to a request for comment.

It is not clear what Trump said during the deposition, which was taken at his Mar-a-Lago resort.

Carroll sued Trump in 2019 for defamation after he denied her claim that he raped her in a New York department store in the mid-1990s. She was scheduled to sit for her deposition last Friday.

The legal stakes for Trump were recently raised when Carroll said she intends to sue him next month under a new New York State law that allows victims of sexual assault to sue years after the attack. His testimony in the defamation case could be used in a future lawsuit.

The defamation case has been in legal limbo for over a year.

Trump and the Justice Department argued Trump was a federal employee and his statements denying Carroll’s allegations were made in response to reporters’ questions while he was at the White House. They argued the Justice Department should be substituted as the defendant, which, because the government cannot be sued for defamation, would end the lawsuit.

Judge Lewis Kaplan ruled against Trump and DOJ. They appealed. Last month a federal appeals court in New York ruled that Trump was a federal employee when he denied Carroll’s claim of rape and sexual assault.

However, the federal appeals court asked the Washington, DC, appeals court to determine if Trump was acting within the scope of his employment when he made the allegedly defamatory statements. If the DC court finds in favor of Trump, then the Justice Department would likely be substituted as a defendant and the case dismissed. The DC appeals court has not yet taken up the matter and it is unclear if or when they will.

This year Trump was ordered by a New York State judge to sit for a deposition with the New York attorney general’s office. Trump refused to answer questions, citing his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.

Last month the New York attorney general’s office filed a $250 million lawsuit against Trump, his eldest children and the Trump Organization for allegedly defrauding lenders and insurers through false financial statements. Trump has denied any wrongdoing and said the lawsuit was politically motivated.

In civil cases if someone declines to answer questions the jury is allowed to apply an adverse inference against the person when deciding their potential liability.

Last year Trump sat for a deposition for a civil lawsuit brought by protestors who claimed they were injured outside of Trump Tower during his first presidential campaign. He is also expected to testify in another civil lawsuit relating to a marketing campaign by the end of the month.

This story has been updated with additional details.

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Missing Toddler Quinton Simon’s Mom and Grandma Have a Big Night Out Amid FBI Search

As the FBI and police comb through a landfill for the remains of missing 20-month-old Quinton Simon, his mother was seen drinking at a local bar.

Alongside Leilani Simon, who is now the prime suspect in Quinton’s disappearance, was her mother, Billie Jo Howell. “They were here, they drank, they left,” a staff member at Sting Ray’s on Tybee Island, Georgia, told The Independent.

Waitstaff described the “flirty” group drinking shots “and demanded a waiter’s number,” according to WSAV, as protesters sat in front of their house, holding signs and “screaming for an arrest.”

“They were having a great time, like they didn’t have a care in the world,” a server told the New York Post.

“They were drinking Patron shots in the deck area, being loud and laughing. It’s almost like they were trying to draw attention to themselves.”

The unidentified server said that one of the employees recognized the Savannah, Georgia, family from news reports and they subsequently felt uncomfortable and angry over their presence.

“People were getting upset,” the worker said. “They just wanted them out of here. But they stayed for a long time, for hours. It was really strange.”

Simon, Howell, and their friends allegedly racked up a tab of more than $300 Tuesday night.

Howell was seen on a motorbike speaking to police on Wednesday morning as she was about to leave the island.

The search for Quinton began again Wednesday in Chatham County and after searching for hours combing through garbage, wrapped up amid warnings it could take weeks to find his body.

“We’re in for the long haul,” Chief Jeffrey Hadley of the Chatham County Police Department said.

“We’re not just randomly searching this landfill, we have evidence, specific evidence which leads up to this large property,” FBI Supervisory Special Agent Will Clarke said Tuesday.

It is the only place authorities will be searching.

Cops believe Quinton was placed in a “specific dumpster at a specific location” and was brought to the landfill “by regular means of disposal.”

Chatham County Police posted Wednesday night, repeating Hadley’s words “as true today.”

“We’re not ready to charge anyone yet. We still have work to do. We still have an investigation to do, and we’re not going to do anything pre-emptively that would harm future prosecution.

“I believe in our investigators. I believe in the expertise we’ve brought to bear here. We’re tracking in the right direction.”

Cops said Tuesday that they do not believe Simon is a flight risk.

Quinton was last seen early on Oct. 5 at approximately 6 a.m. after his mother, Simon, texted his babysitter alerting her he would not be coming that day. At 9:40 a.m., Simon reported the 20-month-old missing and allegedly told cops that his biological father had taken him. Police said that was not the case.

Last week authorities announced Quinton was presumed dead “based on multiple search warrants and interviews.”

“We are saddened to report that CCPD and the FBI have notified Quinton Simon’s family that we believe he is deceased,” a statement read at the time.



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Misrach Ewunetie, a Princeton University student, disappeared last week. Officials are intensifying the search for her



CNN
 — 

It’s been five days since 20-year-old Misrach Ewunetie, a junior at Princeton University, went missing, prompting university officials to intensify their search.

Ewunetie was last seen around 3 a.m. near a residential building on the New Jersey campus, according to the university. The university first reported her missing on Monday and is continuing to ask the public for insight into her whereabouts, as its public safety department ramps up search efforts.

“As part of the continuing efforts to locate missing undergraduate student Misrach Ewunetie ’24, there is an increased law enforcement presence on and around campus today including the use of a helicopter, drones and watercraft,” the university said in an update to the community Wednesday morning.

The university is urging anyone with information pertinent to the search to contact the Department of Public Safety.

Officials said Ewunetie has black hair, brown eyes and a light brown complexion. She is 5 feet 4 inches tall and weighs about 130 pounds.

Ewunetie was volunteering at one of the school’s 11 eating clubs on Thursday night, the president of the club told the student newspaper The Daily Princetonian. Terrace Club President Alexander Maravcsik told the paper Ewunetie was a member on “duty” doing housekeeping work during a live music performance at the eating club.

“On Thursday night, one of our members who was initially signed up for duty was unable to attend our event, and Misrach volunteered to cover their shift. After the club had closed and all of the duty responsibilities had been fulfilled, Misrach — as well as the other members on duty — left for the night,” Maravcsik wrote to the paper.

Sara Elagad, executive director of the nonprofit Minds Matter Cleveland, told CNN Ewunetie’s disappearance was out of character. Ewunetie was a 2020 graduate of the Minds Matter Cleveland program, which looks to close the education gap with high-achieving low-income students.

“It is not at all in character for her to purposely go off the radar or be out of touch with family,” Elagad said. “We are supporting her family as they assist law enforcement efforts to safely locate her.”

Ewunetie was 2020 honors graduate of The Villa St. Angela – St. Joseph High School, according to a statement from the Catholic Diocese of Cleveland. “We are praying for her swift and safe return,” a statement from Deacon James Armstrong read.

In an email to students, W. Rochelle Calhoun, Princeton’s vice president for campus life, said Ewunetie’s family had contacted the school Sunday night to request a well-being check after not hearing from her in several days.

“Since Sunday, DPS has been actively working with the Prosecutor’s Office and with state and local police departments to follow all leads in the search for Misrach,” Calhoun said in the email. “I am confident that all is being done to find Misrach.”

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